HISTORY
OF
SCOTLAND.
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER IE. TO
THE UNION.
BY
PATRICK FRASER TYTLER,
F.B.S.E. AND F.A.&.
NEW EDITION.
IN TENVOLUMES.
VOL. VII.
EDINBUKGH:
WILLIAM P. NIMMO.
1866.
lloO
CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME.
CHAP. I.
MARY.
\
FROM THE MARRIAGE OF MARY WITH DARNLEY TO HER MARRIAGE
WITH BOTHWELL.
1565-1567.
Page
MARY'S activity after her marriage, 1
Mission of Tamworth, ........ 2
Mary's remonstrances to Elizabeth, 3
Bothwell's return to Scotland, ...... 7
Fears of the Protestant party, 8
Influence of Riccio, .... ... 9
Moray driven from Scotland, . . . . . . .11
Elizabeth's public severity to him, . . . . .12
He u secretly encouraged, . 14
The Roman Catholic League, 15
Mary joins it, . . **f' . . . . . . .16
Origin of the conspiracy against Riccio, . . . . .17
The plot known to Randolph, .19
Second stage of the conspiracy, 20
Co-operation of the Protesf ants, 21
The plot communicated to Burghley and Elizabeth, . . 24
The murder of Riccio, ........ 29
Mary's danger and 1 error ... ... 30
Moray's return, . . . . . .32
The queen escapes to Dunbar, . .... 34
Mary's advance to Edinburgh, and flight of Morton to England, 35
Mary discovers Darnley's guilt, . . . .37
Joseph Riccio promoted, 3fi
Birth of James the Siaili, . .39
yl CONTENTS.
Page
Mary reconciles her nobility, . . . . . .40
The king's unreasonable conduct, 41
Rage of the nobles against the king, 44
Power of Both well, . . . . . . . .46
Mary's visit to Bothwell at the Hermitage, . . . .47
Her dangerous illness, 49
Her great unhappiness, 50
Secret conference at Craigmillar, 51
Conspiracy against the king, 52
"Baud" for the murder of Darnley, 53
Baptism of the prince, 54
The king's illness, ......... 57
Lennox and Darnley's designs against the queen, . . .58
Joseph Riccio aud Joseph Lutyni, 59
Return of Morton, 61
Bothwell, Lethington, and Morton, resolve to murder the king, 62
Mary meets the king, 63
She brings him to the Kirk of Field, 65
Murder of Darnley, 68
Mary's delay in investigating the murder, . . . .70
Bothwell continues in favour, ....... 72
Letter from the Bishop of Glasgow, 75
Elizabeth sends Killigrew to Scotland, 77
Trial of Bothwell resolved on, 78
Elizabeth's message to delay it, ...... 79
Bothwell's acquittal, 82
Band of the nobles for his marriage with the queen, . . 84
Grange's letters against the queen, ...... 87
Anonymous letter to Cecil, 88
Bothwell carries the queen to Dnnbar, 89
BothwelPs divorce, 90
Robert Melvil's letter to Cecil, 91
Confederacy against Bothwell, 92
Communications with Elizabeth, . . . . . .95
Craig publishes the banns of marriage between Mary and Both-
well, 96
Mary's marriage to Bothwell, 97
CONTENTS. Vli
CHAP. II.
MARY.
FROM MARY'S MARRIAGE WITH BOTHWELL TO THE ELECTION OP
THE REGENT MORAY.
1567.
Page
General indignation at Mary's marriage, . . . .99
Coalition of the nobles against Both well, . . . ... 100
Mary sends the Bishop of Dunblane to France, . . .102
Robert Melvil sent to Elizabeth, . . . . . . ib.
Bothwell's letter to the English queen, 103
Attempt to surprise Both well and Mary at Borthwick castle, . 105
Their escape to Dunbar, 106
Advance to Carberry hill, . . . . . . .107
Mary surrenders to the confederates, 110
Bothwell suffered to escape, Ill
Mary carried captive to Edinburgh, 112
Imprisonment in Lochleven castle, 113
Alleged intercepted letters 115
Apprehension of Cullen and Blacater, 117
Execution of Blacater, ........ ib.
Convention of the queen's lords at Dumbarton, . . .118
Knox's return to Edinburgh, 119
His vigorous exertions, 120
Mission and transactions of Robert Melvil, .... 122
Melvil sent to Lochleven, 126
Mission of Sir N. Throckmorton from Elizabeth, . . . 127
Elizabeth's secret acknowledgment of her unjust conduct to
Mary, 130
Mary's danger and Throckmorton's interference, . . .131
Mary's conduct, 132
Violent enmity of the Presbyterian clergy against Mary, . 133
Robert Melvil sent again to Lochleven, . . . . .134
His refusal to convey a letter from Mary to Bothwell, . . 1 35
Meeting of the General Assembly, . . . . . . ib.
Mary compelled to resign the crown, and Moray chosen regent, 136
Coronation of the prince her son, 1 39
Elizabeth's severity to the confederate lords, .... 140
Treacherous conduct of the faction of the Hamiltons, . .141
viii CONTENTS.
ihp
Expected return of Moray from France, 144
Situation and expected measures of Moray, . 145
His interview with Elizabeth, 148
His arrival in Scotland, 149
Remarkable interview with Mary at Lochleven, . . .161
He is proclaimed regent, 154
CHAP. III.
REGENCY OF THE EARL OF MORAY.
1567-1569.
Interview of Moray and Lethington with Throckmorton, . 155
Throckmorton leaves Scotland, 158
Moray's vigorous administration, ib.
His transactions with Sir James Balfour, . . . .159
His difficulties as to the king's murder, - . 160
Submission of Huntley and Her riei , . . 161
Bothwell escapes to Norway, ....... ib.
Parliament assembles Lethington's speech, . . . .162
Its proceedings, . . . . . . . . .163
Moray's unfair dealing as to evidence of the king's murder, . 167
Trials of the murderers, . . . . . . . .169
Discontent of the people, 171
Moray's difficulties, .... ... 172
Mary's escape from Locnieven, ...... 174
Moray's vigour and decision, ....... 176
Mary sends Beaton to France, 177
Defeat of the queen at Langside, 181
Mary's flight into England, 1 82
Her letters to Elizabeth, 183
Moray accuses the queen of the king's murder, and offers to prove
her guilt, 185
Elizabeth's difficult situation, 186
Her message to Mary and to Moray, 187
Mary's spirited answer, 188
Cautious preliminary inquiries of Moray, . . . .189
Elizabeth's crafty answers, .190
Conspiracy against Moray, 191
Their disputes referred. Mary and the regent to Elizabeth, . 192
Moray names his commissioners, 195
The Queen of Scots names her commissioners, . . .196
CONTENTS. IX
Page
Opening of the proceedings at York, . . . . .197
Mary's complaint and Moray's reply, 198
Intrigues of Norfolk, 199
Removal of the conferences to Westminster, .... 203
Moray's secret offers to Mary, ....... ib.
Moray comes to London, 204
His embarrassments. 205
Conferences at Westminster, 206
Moray accuses Mary of the king's murder, .... 208
Reply of Mary's commissioners, 209
Elizabeth's refusal to hear Mary in person, . . . .210
Mary's commissioners break off the conferences, . . .211
Moray produces his proofs, . . . . . . .212
Elizabeth's proceedings in consequence, . . . . .213
Mary offers to prove the forgery of the letters, . . .215
Elizabeth pronounces her decision, . . . . . .216
Moray's answer to Mary's accusations, 218
He returns to Scotland, ib.
Cecil offers Mary copies of the letters, . . . . .219
General reflections, 220
Moray's intrigues with Cecil, ....... 222
His difficulties, 223
He overreaches Norfolk, 224
His activity on his return to Scotland, 225
A convention of the nobility agreed upon, . . . . ib.
Moray imprisons the Duke and Herries, ..... 227
He leads an army into the north, ...... 228
Submission of Huntley and Argyle, ib.
Projected marriage of Mary and Norfolk, .... 229
Norfolk's exertions and ambition, 231
Letters from Elizabeth to Moray, 232
Throckmorton's letters on the marriage, 233
Moray's duplicity, 234
Rejection of all proposals in Mary's favour, .... 235
Norfolk's secret intrigues discovered, . . . . . ib.
Moray betrays him, 236
Norfolk sent to the Tower, 237
Lethington accused of the king's murder, .... 239
He is rescued by Kirkaldy of Grange, 240
Rebellion of Northumberland, ib.
Rebel earls fly to Scotland, 242
Lethington's trial delayed, ....... 245
X CONTENTS.
Page
Moray seizes the Earl of Northumberland, . . . .246
Proposes to exchange Northumberland for Mary, . . . 247
Knox's letter on this subject, 248
Mission of Elphinston to Elizabeth, ib.
The Bishop of Ross counteracts his schemes, .... 250
Assassination of the Regent Moray, 252
Reflections, 254
CHAP. IV.
INTERREGNUM REGENCIES OF LENNOX AND MAR.
1570-1572.
State of Scotland on the death of Moray, . 256
Difficulties of Elizabeth, ...'.... 257
Cecil's policy and advice, 258
Lennox's letter to Elizabeth, 259
Conference between Drury and Morton's party, . . . 260
Randolph sent into Scotland, 261
Lethington pronounced guiltless of the king's murder, . . ib.
Rebellion of Leonard Dacres, 262
Miserable state of Scotland, 263
Relative strength of the two factions, 264
Sir James MelviPs picture of the country, .... 265
Randolph's intrigues, ........ 266
Verac arrives from France, ....... 267
Elizabeth's cruel policy, 268
The Earl of Sussex invades Scotland, 269
Lennox co-operates with him, ....... 270
Correspondence between Sussex and Lethington, . . . 272
Lennox made Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, . . . 277
Elizabeth's approval, ........ 278
Lennox chosen regent, ib.
Civil war, 279
Sussex again invades Scotland, 280
Abstinence, 281
Elizabeth and Cecil's duplicity, 282
Exasperation of the two factions, ...... 283
Randolph's defence of Moray's memory, ..... 284
Knox's refusal to pray for the queen, 286
Capture of Dumbarton castle, 28fl
CONTENTS. XI
Page
Execution of the Archbishop of St Andrew's, .... 290
Cecil's severe letter to Grange, 292
Morton's return from England, ib.
Continuation of the civil war, ....... 293
Wretched state of the country, 294
Rival parliaments, 295
Lennox and his party surprised in Stirling, .... 297
Subsequent failure of the enterprise, ..... 298
Assassination of Lennox, ib.
His death, 300
The Earl of Mar chosen regent, ...... ib.
Successes of Adam Gordon in the north, . . . . .301
Execution of Norfolk, 302
Correspondence between Drury and Grange, .... 303
Lethington's letter to Cecil, ib.
Elizabeth's policy, ......... 304
Ferocious character of the war, 305
Successes of Mary's friends, 306
They consent to a truce, ........ 307
Massacre of St Bartholomew, 308
Its effects on Elizabeth's policy, 309
She is openly recommended to put Mary to death, . . .310
Her public refusal, ......... ib.
Secret plot of Elizabeth to have Mary put to death in Scotland, 31 1
Mission of Henry Killigrew to Scotland, . . . . . ib.
His secret instructions, 312
His meeting with Morton, 313
Negotiations of Nicholas Elphinston, . . . . .314
Burghley's letter, 315
Killigrew consults Knox, 316
His description of the Reformer, ...... ib.
Knox co-operates with Killigrew, 317
Killigrew's secret letter to Burghley and Leicester, . . . ib.
Mary not to be permitted to live three hours after she comes to
Scotland, 318
Continuation of Killigrew's negotiation, . . . . .319
Mar consents, .- . 322
Death of the Regent Mar, 323
Dismay and agitation of Burghley, ...... 324
Burghley's letter to Leicester, ...... ib.
Northumberland's execution, ..... 326
Xii CONTENTS.
CHAP. V.
REGENCY OF MORTON.
1572-1573.
Pag
Elizabeth's measures on the death of Mar, .... 327
Morton chosen regent, 328
Killigrew's advices to Burghley, 329
Illness and death of Knox, 330
Episcopacy established in Scotland, ...... 337
Submission of the Duke and Iluutley, 338
Condition of Mary's party, ....... ib.
Siege of the castle of Edinburgh, 341
Grange offers to surrender, 344
His terms refused, ib.
Grange and Lethington surrender to the Queen of England, . 345
Last letter of Grange and Lethington to Burghley, . . . 346
Death of Lethington, 347
Efforts made to save Grange's life, . . . . .348
Execution of Grange, 34S
Mary's cause desperate, ib.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
UNPRINTED MANUSCRIPTS.
No.
I. Historical remarks on Knox's implication in Riccio's
murder, 353
II. Plot of Lennox and Darnley against Mary's crown and life, 362
III. Joseph Riccio and Joseph Lutyni, ..... 364
IV. Darnley's murder, 369
V. Bothwell's trial, 372
VI. Mary's marriage with Bothwell, 376
VII. Mary's escape from Lochleven, 377
VIII. Battle of Langside, 380
IX. An order for Mary's execution in 1569, .... 382
X. Elizabeth's plot for the secret execution of Maty in Scotland, 384
XI. Death of Mar, 387
XII. Death of Grange, .388
HISTOBY
OP
SCOTLAND.
CHAP. I.
MA R Y.
PROM THE MARRIAGE OF MARY WITH DARNLEY TO HER
MARRIAGE WITH BOTHWELL.
15651567.
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
England. I France. \ Germany.
Elizabeth. I Charles IX. Maximilian II.
Spain. I Portugal. 1 Pope.
Philip II. I Sebastian. I Pius IV.
PREVIOUS to her marriage with Darnley, Mary had
become assured that Moray and his faction were ready
to rise in rebellion against her government if they met
with the least encouragement from England; after
this event, every day convinced her that Randolph the
English ambassador, was using all his efforts to induce
her barons to throw off their allegiance, and that
Elizabeth not only approved of their proceedings, but
secretly stimulated them to revolt.*
To prepare for this emergency, the Scottish queen
summoned her subjects to meet her in arms in the
* MS. Letter State-paper Office, Earl of Moray to Cecil, Carlisle, Oct.
14, 15G5. [I may here observe where the words MS. letter occur in this
volume, the reader may consider the letter to he an original. When I quote
a copy, the word copy is subjoined.]
VOL. VTT.
2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565
capital.* Her safety lay in promptitude and decision ;
she resolved to anticipate the movements of her oppo-
nents before it was possible for them to receive succour
from England ; and in this her efforts were eminently
successful. Three days after her marriage, Moray was
commanded to appear at court, under the penalty of
being proclaimed a rebel; and having failed, he was
" put to the horn," as it was termed, that is, his life
and estates were declared forfeited to the laws : upon
which Randolph, in a letter addressed to the Queen of
England, implored her to strengthen the hands of the
English party in Scotland, and to save them from
utter ruin.*}* He wrote also to the Earl of Bedford,
an old and tried friend of Moray, urging him, to use
his influence to procure instant assistance, and assuring
him, that if the English borderers could be let loose at
this crisis, so as to keep their Scottish neighbours em-
ployed, the queen and Darnley would be reduced to
great distress. His letters to Elizabeth contained an
alarming picture of affairs in Scotland. He represented
religion, by which he meant Protestantism, as in
danger; and affirmed that the amity between the two
kingdoms was on the point of being broken : but the
English queen was slow to credit all his statements,
and contented herself with despatching Mr Tamworth,
one of the gentlemen of her bed-chamber, to the Scot-
tish court, with the vain object of accomplishing a re-
conciliation between Mary and the Earl of Moray.
This, however, was now impossible. The Scottish
* MS. Proclamation, State-paper Office, July 16, 1565. Copy of the time
endorsed by Randolph.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to the Queen. [When in
the notes to this volume, I use the words " to the Queen," in quoting any
letter, the Queen of England is meant.] '23d July, 15G5, Edinburgh.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Bedford, Edinburgh, 24th
July, 156.5.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Tamworth and Randolph to Cecil,
Edinburgh, 10th August, 1565.
1565. MARY. 3
queen, convinced that Moray's sole purpose was to re-
cover tho power which he had lost, allowed her enemies
no time to concentrate their strength, but at the head
of a force which defied opposition, compelled them to
fly from Stirling to Glasgow, and from Glasgow to
Argyle.* She then returned to Edinburgh, where
Tamworth had arrived, and this envoy being admitted
to an audience, was received by Mary with a spirit for
which he seems not to have been prepared. *}*
In the letter which Elizabeth sent to this princess,
she had affected to treat with contempt her pretensions
to the English throne, and her practices with foreign
powers, but Mary could express herself as severely,
though with greater command of temper than her
sister of England. After defending her marriage, and
remonstrating against the uncalled-for interference of
Elizabeth, she turned to the subject of the succession.
" I am not," said she, " so lowly born, nor yet have I
such small alliances abroad, that if compelled by your
mistress to enter into 'practices 1 with foreign powers,
she shall find them of such small account as she believes.
The place which I fill in relation to the succession to
the crown of England, is no vain or imaginary one,
and by God's grace it shall appear to the world, that
my designs and consultations shall prove as substantial
as those which at any time my neighbours have taken
in hand.":}:
But although she repelled Elizabeth's haughty and
sarcastic insinuations, Mary was sincerely desirous of
peace. To promote this, she promised Randolph all
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 82. Keith, p. 316. MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, Mary to the Master of Max-well, copy, Edinburgh, '23d August, 1 5(i5.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Tamworth and Randolph to Cecil,
Edinburgh, 10th August, 1565.
+ MS. State-paper Office, Answers given by the Queen of Scots to
"Articles" proponed by Mr Tamworth, 12th August, 15(;5.
4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565.
that could justly be required. She could not consent
indeed to renounce her title to a throne to which she
held her claim to be undoubted, but she was ready to
come under the most solemn obligation that neither
she nor her husband should attempt anything to the
prejudice of the English queen or of her issue, and that
whenever God called them to the possession of their
right in England, no alteration should be made in the
religion, laws, or liberties of that ancient kingdom. In
return, she insisted on the performance of two condi-
tions : the first, that Elizabeth, by act of parliament,
should settle the English crown upon herself and
Darnley, in the first instance, and, in default of them
and their children, on the Lady Margaret countess of
Lennox ; the second, that she should offer no counte-
nance or assistance to her rebels.*
In this last stipulation Mary was peremptory ; for
she had discovered that Randolph the English ambas-
sador, intrigued with Moray, and she then suspected
(what is now established beyond a doubt by the origi-
nal letters of the actors in these unworthy scenes) that
Elizabeth's advice and encouragement were at the bot-
tom of the whole rebellion. Without waiting therefore
for any further communication from England, she
deemed it proper to take a determined step. The
English ambassador was informed that he must either
promise upon his honour to renounce all intercourse
with her rebels, or be put under the charge of those
who should take care to detect and restrain his prac-
tices. Randolph^ reply to the privy-council was more
a defiance than an answer. " I will promise nothing,"
said he, " either on honour, honesty, word, or writing ;
* MS. State-paper Office, Offers made by the Queen of Scots to the Queen's
majesty of Encland ; wholly in Randolph's hand, and endorsed by Cecil,
13th Autnist. ISM.
1565. MARY. 5
and as for guards to attend me, they shall fare full ill,
unless stronger and better armed than my own ser-
vants. 1 ' Lethington the secretary, then proposed that
he should retire to Berwick; but this, too, he per-
emptorily refused. "Wheresoever the queen your
mistress keeps her court,"" was his reply, " there, or
not far off, is my place. If I am driven from this, it
is easy to see what mind is borne to my sovereign."*
His insolence encouraged Tamworth to equal arro-
gance : he refused to give Darnley the royal title, and
declined accepting a passport, because it bore his sig-
nature as king : but this ill-judged presumption cost
him dear. On his way home, a hint having been
given to the borderers, he was waylaid, maltreated,
and carried a prisoner to Hume castle, from which he
addressed a letter to Cecil, detailing his sorrowful
adventure.-f
In the meantime Elizabeth amused the insurgent
barons by large promises, and small pecuniary ad-
vances ; and, thus encouraged, Moray, the Duke, and
Glencairn, at the head of a thousand men, advanced
to Edinburgh, which they entered on the last day of
August, t The movement proved to be ill-judged, and
premature. The citizens received them coldly not a
man joined their ranks ; it was in vain they endeav-
oured to excite an alarm that religion was in danger ;
in vain they addressed a letter to the queen, in which
they threatened, that if she continued to pursue them,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, 20th
August, 1565. [As these inverted commas may possibly mislead a reader,
I beg to say, that where they occur, as they do here in reporting any con-
versation or dialogue, they do not always indicate that the passages are given
strictly word for word. Sometimes, indeed, the very words are given ; but
sometimes only the sense.]
f- MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Tamworth to Cecil, Hume castle, 21st
August, 1565.
I MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, 31st
August, 1565. Same to the same, 1st September, 1565.
VOL. VII. A
6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565.
their blood should be dearly bought,* in vain that they
despatched urgent entreaties for assistance to Bedford
and Cecil.-f- Before time was given for reply, Mary
had marched against them, a cannonade was opened
from the castle, and they were compelled with precipi-
tation and dismay, to abandon the capital and retire to
Dumfries.]: From this place they despatched Robert
Melvil, brother to the well-known Sir James Melvil,
to the English court. He was instructed to require
the immediate assistance of three thousand men, and
the presence of some ships of war in the Firth.
With these exorbitant demands Elizabeth could not
possibly have complied, unless she had been prepared
to rush into open war : she was now convinced that
Randolph had misled or deceived her, by overrating
the strength of the insurgents. She had believed that
the whole country was ready to rise against the govern-
ment of Mary and Darnley, and a short time before
MelviFs arrival, had directed Bedford to assist them
both with money and soldiers. || On discovering, how-
ever, the real weakness of Moray's faction, these orders
were countermanded, arid the insurgents found them-
selves in the alarming predicament of having risen in
rebellion, trusting to succours which never arrived.1I
Nor did Mary give Elizabeth time, even had she so
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, contemporary copy. Letter from the
Lords to the Queen, sent from Edinburgh to Glasgow, 1st September,
1565.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Border Correspondence ; [henceforth
to be marked simply by the letters B.C.1 Bedford to Cecil, Berwick, 2d
September, 1565. State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, 2d September,
1565, Edinburgh.
JMS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, 4th
September, 1565.
MS. State-paper Office, Instructions given to Robert Melvil, 10th Sept.
1565.
|| The Queen to Bedford, September 12, 1565. Appendix to Robertson's
History of Scotland, vol. i. No. xiii.
H MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lords of Scotland to Mr Melvil, 15th
September, 1565, Dumfries.
1565. MARY. 7
determined, to save her friends. Before a company
of horse, pikes, or bowmen, could have reached the
Borders, the Scottish queen had swept with her forces
through Fife; inflicted chastisement on the Laird of
Grange and other barons who had joined the rebels;
levied a heavy fine on the towns of Dundee and St
Andrew's ; seized castle Campbell, and prepared, at the
head of an army which rendered opposition fruitless,
to attack the rebel lords at Dumfries. So keen was
she in the pursuit, that she rode with pistols at her
saddle bow, and declared to Randolph, that she would
rather peril her crown than lose her revenge.*
At this crisis, the Earl of Bothwell returned from
France, profiting by the disgrace of Moray, whose
power had expelled him from his country. He was
favourably received by the queen, although well known
to be a rash, daring, and profligate man ; but his ex-
tensive Border estates gave him much power, and the
circumstances in which Mary was placed made her
welcome any baron who could bring a formidable force
into the field.f In his company came David Cham-
bers, a person of a dark, intriguing spirit, who had long
been a retainer of this nobleman, and although a lord
of the session, more likely to outrage than administer
the law.
Aware that the arrival of such partisans would be
followed by the most determined measures, the rebel
lords made a last effort to alarm Elizabeth on the sub-
ject of religion. They transmitted to Robert Melvil,
their envoy in England, a paper entitled " Informations
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Sept.
9, 1565. Ibid, same to the same, Edinburgh, August 27, 1565. Ibid,
same to the same, Edinburgh, Sept. 4, 1565.
f MS. State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, September 19
and 20, 1565. Same to the same, Edinburgh, September 1, 1565.
8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565
to be given to the queen's majesty, in favour of the
Church of Christ, now begun to be persecuted in the
chief members of the same."* Even the title of this
paper contained a misrepresentation of the truth, for at
this moment, so far from persecution, there was com-
plete religious toleration in Scotland. Its contents,
too, were of questionable accuracy ; certainly highly
coloured. Melvil was directed to assure the English
queen, that nothing was meant by Mary, and him who
was now joined with her, but the utter subversion of
the religion of Jesus Christ within the realm, and the
erecting again of all papistry and superstition. " The
cause," said they, " why our destruction is sought, is,
first the zeal that we bear to the maintenance of the
true religion ; and secondly, the care that we have to
redress the great enormities lately crept into the public
regimen of this miserable commonwealth." The patri-
mony of the crown was described as so dilapidated,
that it was impossible the common expenses could be
borne; and this, they affirmed, had led to the persecu-
tion of honourable men, and the promotion of crafty fo-
reigners, chiefly two Italians, David Riceio and Fran-
cisco, who, with other unworthy persons, occupied the
place in council belonging to the ancient nobility. As
to the Earl of Moray, he was hated, they said, because
he would not support Riccio in his abuses ; whilst a
stranger, (meaning Darnley,) the subject of another
realm, had intruded himself into the state, and claimed
the name and authority of a king, without their con-
sent, against all order that ever was used in this realm ;
and now, because they desired redress of these great
* MS. State-paper Office, Informations given to the Queen's majesty of
England, and the Council, in favour of religion in Scotland, September,' 22,
1505.
1565. MARY. 9
enormities, they were persecuted as traitors and ene-
mies to the commonwealth.*
Although in some parts exaggerated, these fears and
accusations were not without foundation. Mary had
undoubtedly negotiated with the Roman see for an
advance of money, and the pope had transmitted to
her the sum of eight thousand crowns in a vessel, which,
being wrecked on the coast of England, fell a prey to
the cupidity of the Earl of Northumberland. }
She was in correspondence also with Philip II., who
had expressed to the Cardinal Pacheco, the papal
envoy, his determination to assist her to subdue her
rebels, maintain the Catholic faith, and vindicate her
right to the English throne. Nor did the Spanish
king confine himself to mere promises. He had sent
a remittance of twenty thousand crowns to Guzman
de Silva, his ambassador at the court of England, with
orders to employ it " with the utmost secrecy and
address, in the support of the Scottish queen and her
husband." J It was true, also, that Mary had appointed
Riccio to the place of French secretary. This foreigner,
who was a Milanese, had come to Scotland in the train
of Moret, the Savoy ambassador, and his ambition was
at first satisfied with the humble office of a singer in
the queen's band ; but, being well educated, he was
occasionally employed in other matters, and on the
dismissal of Raulet, her French secretary, Mary re-
warded his talent with the vacant office. But when
betrayed, as she had repeatedly been by her own no-
bility, to whom office, but not fidelity, was transmitted
* Id : ut supra. t Keith, p. 316.
J Gonzalez Apuntamientos para la Historia del Rey Felipe II., p. 312,
published in vol. vii. of the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Madrid.
The work was pointed out to me by a kind and respected friend to whom
I am indebted for some valuable papers and references, Mr Howard of Corby
castle.
10 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565.
by birth, it was not wonderful that the queen employed
those whom she could better trust ; and, on the whole,
the arguments of the insurgents produced little effect
upon Elizabeth. She was convinced of the power and
popularity of the Scottish queen ; the feebleness of
Moray and his associates, whom she had bribed into
rebellion, was proved beyond a doubt ; and the moment
this was discovered, they were abandoned to their fate,
without pity or remorse. True to her wonted dissi-
mulation in all state policy, she assured them that she
still favoured their enterprise, and was moved by their
distress, but no remonstrances of Moray, who loudly
declared that desertion was ruin, could extort from her
either money or troops.* At this moment, Monsieur
de Mauvissiere, better known as the Sieur de Castel-
nau, was in England, whither he had been sent by his
master the French king, to accomplish, if possible, a
reconciliation between Mary and Elizabeth. By the
advice of Cecil, Mauvissiere and Cockburn, the last a
creature of this minister, and known to Mary as an
archer in the Scottish Guard, repaired to Scotland, and
made an attempt to procure a pardon for Moray and
his associates. To both, the queen readily gave au-
dience, and the picture given by them of the miserable
and distracted state of her kingdom was so sad and
true, as to draw many tears from her eyes ;-J- but when
the terms upon which they proposed to mediate were
stated, her spirit rose against the imperious dictation
of Elizabeth, she dismissed the envoys, and proceeded
instantly against her rebels, who still lay, with a few
horse, at Dumfries. On advancing at the head of her
* MS. State-paper Office, An answer for Robert Melvil, October 1st, 156&,
Entirely in Cecil's band.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, October 2, 1565, Captain
Cockburn to Cecil. " She wept wondrous sore."
1565. MARY. 11
army, Lord Maxwell, the most powerful baron in these
quarters, hastened to make his submission ; and Moray,
with the chiefs of his faction, fled in terror to Car-
lisle.*
From this city the Scottish earl addressed a letter
of remonstrance to Cecil, imploring his mistress to
save them from the wreck of " honour, conscience, and
estate." On the other hand, Mary, a few days before,
had written in spirited terms to Elizabeth. It had
been reported, she said, much to her astonishment, that
her sister of England intended to protect her rebellious
subjects who had fled to the Borders. She declared
her unwillingness to give credit to such tales; but, should
they prove true, should she make common cause with
such traitors, she avowed her resolution to denounce
such wrongful dealings to all the foreign princes who
were her allies. The English queen was alarmed. The
French and Spanish ambassadors took Mary's part,
and accused Elizabeth, in no measured terms, of fo-
menting civil commotions in other realms that she
might avert danger from her own. It was her favour-
ite policy, they affirmed : Scotland proved it ; and at
this instant the rebels there acted by her encourage-
ment, and, in their distress, looked to her as their last
resource.
Moray, by this time, was travelling to the English
court, and Elizabeth found herself in an awkward pre-
dicament ; but it was necessary to take immediate
measures, and those which she adopted strongly marked
her character. An envoy was hurried off to command
the Scottish earl and his friends, on pain of her dis-
pleasure, to remain at a distance. This was the public
* MS. Letter State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, Carlisle, Oct.
14, 1565.
12 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565.
message intended to vindicate her fair dealing to the
world. The messenger encountered and stopped Moray
at Ware : here the earl remained, and here he soon
received a secret message, permitting him to come for-
ward.* He obeyed, and was admitted into the presence
of the English queen ; but it was to be made an actor
in a scene which overwhelmed him with confusion. She
had summoned the French and Spanish ambassadors
to be present. Moray and the Abbot of Kilwinning
entered the apartment, fell upon their knees, and im-
plored her intercession with the queen their mistress.
"I am astonished," said Elizabeth, "that you have
dared, without warning, to come before me ; are you
not branded as rebels to your sovereign ? have you not
spurned her summons, and taken arms against her
authority ? I command you, on the faith of a gentle-
man to declare the truth." Moray repelled the charge
of treason, lamented that he was encompassed with
enemies, who made it dangerous for him to come to
court, and declared that the accusation that he had
plotted to seize the person of his sovereign, and had
been encouraged in his rebellion by the Queen of Eng-
land, was utterly false and ridiculous. The whole pageant
had evidently been arranged beforehand,-f and Eliza-
beth's answer was in perfect keeping : turning in
proud triumph to the foreign ambassadors, she bade
them mark his words, and then, with an expression of
anger and contempt, she addressed Moray and the
Abbot of Kilwinning, still on their knees before her:
" It is well," said she, " that you have told the truth :
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to the Privy-council, "Ware, Oct.
21, 1565. MS. State-paper Office, Copy of the speech to the Earl of Moray,
Oct. 23, corrected throughout and partly written in Cecil's hand.
\~ MS. State-paper Office, Copy of the Queen's speech to the Earl of
Moray, before the French ambassador, the Sieur de Mauvissiere, and the
Queen's council, Oct. 23. Also MelviTa Memoirs, p. 57.
1565. MARY. 13
for neither did I, nor any one else in my name, ever
encourage you in your unnatural rebellion against your
sovereign ; nor, to be mistress of a world, could I main-
tain any subject in disobedience to his prince: it might
move God to punish me by a similar trouble in my
own realm : but as for you two, ye are unworthy
traitors, and I command you instantly to leave my
presence." *
The earl and his friend were then ignominiously
driven from court, and care was taken to render as
public as possible the severe treatment they had received,
so that the news soon reached the court in Scotland,
and occasioned great triumph to the party of Mary
and the king. " All the contrary faction," said Ran-
dolph, in a letter from Edinburgh, to Cecil, " are dis-
couraged, and think themselves utterly undone."-f- Nor
did they want good reason to think so, for the Scottish
queen summoned a parliament to meet in February,
and it was publicly declared that the forfeiture of Moray
and his adherents was the principal business to be
brought before it.J
It is scarcely necessary here to repeat, what has been
apparent from innumerable examples in the course of
this history, that feudal forfeiture was in these days
equivalent to absolute ruin ; that it stripped the most
potent baron at once of his whole estates and authority,
throwing him either as an outcast upon the charity of
some foreign country, or exposing him to be hunted
down by those vassals whose allegiance followed the
land, and not the lord.
* MS. State-paper Office, Copy of the Queen's speech to the Earl of
Moray, before the French ambassador, the Sieur de Mauvissiere, and the
Queen's council, Oct. 23.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Nov. 8,
1565.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Dec. 23,
1565.
14 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565.
To avert this dreadful calamity, Moray exerted him-
self to the utmost. He interceded with Leicester, he
wrote to Cecil, imploring him to save him from being
" wrecked for ever. " * He addressed a letter to Eliza-
beth, and he even condescended to court Riccio.
The influence of this Milanese adventurer had been
gradually increasing. At this moment Maitland of
Lethington, the secretary of state, was suspected of
having been nearly connected with the rebellion of
Moray ;} and, as a trustworthy servant was a prize
rarely to be found, the queen began to consult her
French secretary in affairs of secrecy and moment.
The step was an imprudent one, and soon was attended
with the worst effects. It roused the jealousy of the
king, a weak and suspicious youth, who deemed it an
affront that a stranger of low origin should presume
to interfere in state affairs ; and it turned Riccio^s
head, who began to assume, in his dress, equipage and
establishment, a foolish state, totally unsuited to his
rank. J In the meantime, his influence was great, and
Moray bespoke his good offices by the present of a rich
diamond, with a letter soliciting his assistance.
Had Mary been left to herself, there is little doubt
that her rebels would have been pardoned. Her natural
generosity and the intercession of some powerful friends,
strongly impelled her to the side of mercy ; || and she
had already consented to delay the parliament, and to
entertain proposals for the restoration of the banish-
ed lords, when an unforeseen circumstance occurred,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Newcastle, January 9,
1665-6. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Leicester, New-
castle, Dec. 25, 1565.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Dec. 1,
1565.
J Spottiswood, p. 193.
Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 157. Bannatyne Club edition.
|| Sir J. Melvil, p. 146.
1565-6. MARY. 15
which led to unfortunate results. This was the arrival
of two gentlemen, De Rambouillet and Clernau, on a
mission from the French court. Their message was
outwardly one of mere ceremony, to invest the young
king with the order of St Michael ; but amid the festi-
vities attendant on the installation, a more important
and secret communication took place. Clernau the
special envoy of the Cardinal Lorraine, and Thornton
a messenger from Beaton, the Scottish ambassador in
France, who had come to court about the same time,
informed Mary of the coalition which had been con-
cluded between France, Spain, and the emperor, for
the destruction of the Protestant cause in Europe. It
was a design worthy of the dark and unscrupulous
politicians by whom it had been planned Catherine
of Medicis, and the Duke of Alva. In the summer of
the preceding year, the Queen-dowager of France and
Alva had met at Bayonne, during a progress, in which
she conducted her youthful son and sovereign Charles
IX. through the southern provinces of his kingdom;
and there, whilst the court was dissolved in pleasure,
those secret conferences were held which issued in the
resolution that toleration must be at an end, and that
the only safety for the Roman Catholic faith was the
extermination of its enemies.*
Thornton accordingly brought from the Cardinal
Lorraine the " Band" or league which had been drawn
up on this occasion ; it was whispered that some of her
friends in England were parties to it, and Mary was
strongly urged to become a member of the coalition.
Her intention of pardoning Moray and her other rebels
* Keith, p. 325, Mezerai Abrege Chronologique de L'Histoire de France,
vol. v. p. 8/-8. Randolph to Cecil, Feb. 7, 1565-6. Robertson's Appendix,
No. xiv. Also, Bedford to Cecil, 14th February, 1565-6, British Museum,
Caligula, book x. foL 391.
16 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3565-6.
was at the same time opposed by these foreign envoys,
with the utmost earnestness. It was represented as her
only safe policy to crush, while she had it in her power,
that busy Protestant faction, which had been so long
encouraged, and was even at this moment secretly sup-
ported by Elizabeth, and to join that sacred League to
which she was united, as well by the bonds of a mutual
faith as by those of blood and affection. If she adopted
this method, it was argued, her authority within her
realm would be placed upon a secure foundation ; if she
neglected it, her misfortunes, however complicated they
had already been, were only in their commencement.
Biccio, who at this moment possessed much influence,
and was, on good grounds, suspected to be a pensioner
of Borne, seconded these views with all his power. On
the other hand she did not want advisers on the side
of wisdom and mercy. Sir James Melvil in Scotland,
and Sir Nicholas Throckmorton one of her most power-
ful friends in England, earnestly implored her to pardon
Moray, and adopt a conciliatory course. * Mary was
not naturally inclined to harsh or cruel measures, and
for some time she vacillated between the adoption of
temperate and violent counsels. But now the entreaties
of her uncle the cardinal, the advice of her ambassador,
the prejudices of her education, and the intolerance of
the Protestants, and of Elizabeth, by whom she had
been so often deceived, all united to influence her de-
cision, and overmaster her better judgment. In an
evil hour she signed the League, and determined to
hurry on the parliament for the forfeiture of the rebels.
This may, I think, be regarded as one of the most
fatal errors of her life ; and it proved the source of all
her future misfortunes. She united herself to a bigoted
* Sir J. MelviPs Memoirs, pp. 141, 144.
1565-6. MARY. 17
and unprincipled association, which, under the mask
of defending the truth, offered an outrage to the plain-
est precepts of the gospel. She imagined herself a
supporter of the Catholic Church, when she was giving
her sanction to one of the worst corruptions of Roman-
ism ; and she was destined to reap the consequences of
such a step in all their protracted bitterness.
The moment the queen's resolution was known, it
blasted the hopes of Moray, and threw him and all
Mary's enemies upon desperate courses. If the Estates
were allowed to meet, the consequence to them was
ruin ; if the councillors continued unchanged, and
Riccio's advice was followed, it was certain the Estates
would meet : what then was to be done ? The time
was fast running on, and the remedy, if there was to
be any, must be sudden. Such being the crisis, it was
at once determined that the meeting of parliament
should be arrested, the government of the queen and
her ministers overturned; and that, to effect this,
Riccio must be murdered. This last atrocious expedi-
ent was no new idea, for the seeds of an unformed con-
spiracy against the foreign favourite, had been sown
some time before ; and of this Moray's friends now
availed themselves, artfully uniting the two plots into
one, the object of which was, the return of Moray, the
dethronement of the queen, and the re-establishment of
the Protestant leaders in the power which they had lost.
The origin, growth, and subsequent combination of
these two conspiracies have never yet been understood,
although they can be distinctly traced. The first plot
for the death of Riccio was, strange to say, formed by
no less personages than the young king and his father
the Earl of Lennox. It had its rise in the jealousy
and ambition of these unprincipled men, and the im-
18 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
prudent conduct of Mary. In the early ardour of her
affection, the queen had promised Darnley the crown
matrimonial, by which was meant an equal share with
herself in the government ; but after a few months she
had the misery to discover, that her love had been
thrown away upon a husband whom it was impossible
for her to treat with confidence or respect. He was
fickle, proud, and suspicious ; ambitious of power, yet
incapable of business, and the easy dupe of every crafty
or interested companion whom he met. It became
necessary for Mary to draw back from her first pro-
mise. This led to coldness, to reproaches, soon to an
absolute estrangement ; even in public he treated her
with harshness ; he became addicted to low dissipa-
tion,* forsook her company, and threw himself into
the hands of her enemies. They persuaded him that
Riccio was the sole author of those measures which
had deprived him of his due share in the government.
But this was not all : Darnley had the folly to become
the dupe of a more absurd delusion. He became jeal-
ous of the Italian secretary : he believed that he had
supplanted him' in the affections of the queen ; he went
so far as to assert that he had dishonoured his bed ;
and, in a furious state of mind, sent his cousin George
Douglas to implore Lord Ruthven, in whom he had
great confidence, to assist him against " the villain
David." -f* Ruthven was at this moment confined to
bed by a dangerous sickness, which might have been
supposed to unfit him for such desperate projects. He
was, as he himself informs us, " scarcely able to walk
twice the length of his chamber ;" yet he consented to
* Drary to Cecil, IGth February, 1565-6. Keith, 329.
+ This was about the 10th February. Ruthven 's Narrative in Keith,
Appendix, p. 119 ; and Caligula, book ix. fol. 219. MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, Ruthven and Morton to Cecil. 27th March, 1566.
1565-6. MARY. 19
engage in the murder, and Darnley was sworn to keep
all secret. But Randolph the English minister, hav-
ing become acquainted with the plot, revealed it to
Leicester in a remarkable letter which yet remains.
He informed him that the king and his father, Len-
nox, were determined to murder Riccio ; that within
ten days the deed would be done; that, as to the
queen, the crown would be torn from her whose dis-
honour was discovered ; and that still darker designs
were meditated against her person, which he did not
dare to commit to writing. From his letter, which is
very long, I must give this important passage. " I
know now for certain," said he, " that this queen re-
penteth her marriage ; that she hateth him [Darnley]
and all his kin. I know that he knoweth himself, that
he hath a partaker in play and game with him ; I know
that there are practices in hand, contrived between the
father and son, to come by the crown against 'her will.
I know that if that take effect which is intended,
David, with the consent of the king, shall have his
throat cut within these ten days. Many things griev-
ouser and worse than these are brought to my ears ;
yea, of things intended against her own person, which,
because I think better to keep secret than write to Mr
Secretary, I speak not of them but now to your lord-
ship."*
At this time Randolph, who, from the terms in
which he described it, appears to have had no objec-
tion to the plot, was banished by Mary to Berwick, the
* Randolph to the Earl of Leicester, Edinburgh, 13th February, 1565-6.
This remarkable letter which has never been published, is to be found in.
the Appendix to a privately printed and anonymous work, entitled " Mait-
land's Narrative," of which only twenty copies were printed. The book
was politely presented to me by Mr Dawson Turner, in whose valuable col-
lection of MSS. the original letter is preserved. See Proofs and Illustra-
tions, No. II.
20 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
queen having now discovered certain proof of his hav-
ing encouraged and assisted Moray in his rebellion.*
To supply his place, Ruthven, who perceived that the
king's intent to murder the Italian gave him a good
opportunity to labour for the return of his banished
friends, called in the Earl of Morton, then chancellor
of the kingdom. -f- This powerful and unscrupulous
man proved an able assistant. Under his father, the
noted George Douglas, he had been early familiarized
with intrigue : he hated Riccio, and dreaded the as-
sembling of parliament almost as much as Moray, from
a report that he was to be deprived of certain crown
lands, which had been improperly obtained, and to lose
the seals as chancellor. J Morton, too, was the per-
sonal friend of Moray ; like him he belonged to the
party of the reformed Church ; and when Ruthven and
Darnley solicited his aid, he at once embraced the pro-
posal for the murder of the secretary, and proceeded to
complete the machinery of the conspiracy, with greater
skill than his fierce but less artful associates.
His first endeavour was to strengthen their hands by
procuring the co-operation of the party of the reformed
Church ; his next, to follow out Ruthven's idea, by
drawing in Moray, and making the plot the means of
his return to power ; his last to secure the countenance
and support of Elizabeth and her chief ministers. Cecil
and Leicester.
In all this he succeeded. The consent and assistance
* MS. Letter communicated to me by the Hon. William Leslie Melvil ;
Mary to Melvil, 17th February, 1565-6, a copy. Mary confronted Randolph
before the privy-council, with Johnston, the person to whom he had deliver-
ed the money to be conveyed to Moray ; and the evidence being considered
conclusive, he received orders to quit the court, and retired to Berwick.
f Narrative, ut supra. Keith, p. 120, Appendix. MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, Morton and Ruthven to Cecil, Berwick, 27th March, 1566.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Berwick, 6th March,
1565.
1565-6. MARY. 21
of the leading Protestant barons was soon gained, and
to neutralize any opposition on the part of their chief
ministers was not found a difficult matter.* They
were in the deepest alarm at this moment. It was
known that Mary had signed the Popish League ; it
was believed that Riccio corresponded with Rome; and
there was no doubt that some measures for the restora-
tion of the Roman Catholic religion were in preparation,
and only waited for the parliament to be carried into
execution.-f- Having these gloomy prospects before
their eyes, Knox and Craig, the ministers of Edinburgh,
were made acquainted with the conspiracy ; * Bellen-
den the justice-clerk, Makgill the clerk register, the
Lairds of Brunston, Calder, and Ormiston, and other
leading men of that party were, at the same time, ad-
mitted into the secret. It was contended by Morton,
that one only way remained to extirpate the Romish
faith, and replace religion upon a secure basis : this
was, to break off the parliament by the murder of
Riccio, to imprison the queen, intrust Darnley with
the nominal sovereignty, and restore the Earl of Moray
to be the head of the government. Desperate as were
these designs, the reformed party in Scotland did not
hesitate to adopt them. Their horror of idolatry, the
name they bestowed on the Roman Catholic religion,
misled their judgment and hardened their feelings ;
and they regarded the plot as the act of men raised up
by God for the destruction of an accursed superstition.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton and Ruthven to Cecil, 27th
March, 1566.
i" Mary's own -words in her letter describing the murder of Riccio, ad-
dressed to Beaton, her ambassador at the French court, are quite explicit
upon this point. " The spiritual estate, says she, heing placed therein in
the ancient manner, tending to have done some good anent restoring the
avid Religion.' 1 '' Keith, p. 331.
+ See the evidence on which this fact is now stated for the first time m
Proofs and Illustrations, No. I.
VOL. VII. B
22 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
The General Fast, which always secured the presence
of a formidable and numerous band of partisans, was
near approaching ; and as the murder had been fixed
for the week in March in which the 'parliament had
been summoned, it was contrived that this religious so-
lemnity should be held in the capital at the same time:
this secured Morton, and enabled him to work with
greater boldness.*
Having so far organized the conspiracy, it remained
to communicate it to Moray ; and for this purpose the
king's father the Earl of Lennox repaired to England.^
It required no great persuasion to induce Moray, now
in banishment, and over whose head forfeiture and ruin
were impending, to embrace a plot which promised to
avert all danger, and restore him to the station he had
lost. It was accordingly arranged by him, with Grange,
Ochiltree the father-in-law of Knox, and the other
banished lords, that as soon as the day for the murder
was fixed, they should be informed of it, and then order
matters so that their return to Edinburgh should taka
place instantly after it was committed.! But this vras
not all : According to a common but revolting prac-
tice of this age, which combined the utmost feudal
ferocity with a singular love of legal formalities, it was
resolved, that "Covenants'" or contracts for the com-
mission of the murder, and the benefits to be derived
from it, should be entered into, and signed by the young
king himself and the rest of the conspirators. Two
" Bands," or " Covenants," were accordingly drawn
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton and Ruthven to Cecil, 27th
March, 1566. Knox, History, p. 429, 430, 431.
t Calderwood, MS. British Museum, Ayscough, 4735, fol. 642.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, 25th February, 1565, i. e.
1565-6, Randolph to Cecil ; also, Ibid. March 8, 1565-6, Berwick. Bedford
and Randolph to Leicester and Cecil. Ibid. MS. Letter, Moray te Cecil,
Newcastle, March 8, 1565-6.
1565-6. MARY. 23
up : the first ran in the king's name alone, although
many were parties to it. It stated that the queen's
" gentle and good nature" was abused by some wicked
and ungodly persons, specially an Italian stranger
called David; it declared his resolution, with the as-
sistance of certain of his nobility and others, to seize
these enemies ; and if any difficulty or resistance oc-
curred, "to cut them off immediately, and slay them
wherever it happened ; " and solemnly promised, on the
word of a prince, to maintain and defend his assistants
and associates in the enterprise, though carried into
execution in presence of the queen's majesty, and
within the precincts of the palace.* By whom this
agreement was signed, besides the king, Morton, and
Ruthven, does not appear ; but it is certain that its
contents were communicated, amongst others, to
Moray, Argyle, Rothes, Maitland, Grange, and the
Lords Boyd and Lindsay. Of these persons, some
were in England, and could not personally assist in
the assassination ; and to them, among others, Morton
and Ruthven no doubt alluded, when they afterwards
declared, that the most honest and the most worthy,
were easily induced to approve of the intended murder,
and to support their prince in its execution.^ The
second " Covenant" has been also preserved. It was
supplementary to the first, its purpose being to bind
the king on the one hand, and the conspirators on the
other, to the performance of those conditions which
were considered for their mutual advantage. The
parties to it were the king, the Earls of Moray, Argyle,
Glencairn, and Rothes, the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree,
* British Museum, Caligula, book ix. fol. 212, copy of the time. Endorsed
by Randolph.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton and Ruthven to Cecil, Berwick,
March 27, 1566. Also, Keith, p. 120.
24 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
and their " complices." They promised to support
Darnley in all his just quarrels, to be friends to his
friends, and enemies to his enemies ; to give him the
crown matrimonial, to maintain the Protestant religion,
to put down its enemies, and uphold every reform
founded on the Word of God. For his part, the king
engaged to pardon Moray and the banished lords, to
stay all proceedings for their forfeiture, and to restore
them to their lands and dignities.*
Such was now the forward state of the conspiracy
for the murder of Riccio, the restoration of Moray, and
the revolution in the government ; and it appears to
have assumed this form only a few days previous to
Randolph's dismissal from the Scottish court. One
only step remained : to communicate the plot to the
Queen of England and her ministers, and to obtain
their approval and support. Randolph was now at
Berwick with the Earl of Bedford the lieutenant of the
north ; and from this place these persons wrote on the
sixth of March to Elizabeth, informing her of "a
matter of no small consequence being intended in Scot-
land," referring to a more particular statement which
they had transmitted to Cecil, adding that Moray
would thus be brought home ; that Tuesday was the
last day, and that they looked daily to hear of its exe-
cution.*^
The other letter from Bedford and Randolph to
Cecil, written on the same day, was far more explicit.
It enjoined the strictest secrecy : they had promised,
they said, upon their honour, that none except the
* State-paper Office, copy by Randolph from the original : " Conditions
for the earls to perform to their king," and " Conditions to be performed
by the King of Scots to the earls." Endorsed in Cecil's hand, Primo
Martii, 15tio-6.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Bedford and Randolph to the Queen,
Berwick, March 6, 1565-6.
1565-6. MARY. 25
queen, Leicester, and Cecil himself, should be inform-
ed of " the great attempt," now on the eve of being
put in execution ; and they went on thus to describe it :
" The matter is this : Somewhat we are sure you
have heard of divers discords and jarrers * between this
queen and her husband, partly for that she hath re-
fused him the crown matrimonial, partly for that he
hath assured knowledge of such usage of herself, as
altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it were
not overwell known, we would both be very loath to
think that it could be true. To take away this occasion
of slander, he is himself determined to be at the ap-
prehension and execution of him whom he is able mani-
festly to charge with the crime, and to have done him
the most dishonour that can be to any man, much more
being as he is. We need not more plainly to describe
the person : you have heard of the man whom we
mean of.
" To come by the other thing which he desireth,
which is the crown matrimonial, what is devised and
concluded upon by him and the noblemen, you shall
see by the copies of the conditions between them and
him, of which Mr Randolph assureth me to have seen
the principals, and taken the copies written with his
own hand.
" The time of execution and performance of these
matters is before the parliament, as near as it is. To
this determination of theirs, there are privy in Scotland
these: Argyle, Morton, Boyd, Ruthven, and Lidding-
ton. In England these : Moray, Rothes, Grange, my-
self, and the writer hereof. If persuasions to cause the
queen to yield to these matters do no good, they pur-
pose to proceed we know not in what sort. If she be
* Jars.
26 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
able to make any power at home, she shall be withstood,
and herself kept from all other counsel than her own
nobility. If she seek any foreign support, the queen's
majesty our sovereign shall be sought, and sued unto
to accept his and their defence, with offers reasonable
to her majesty's contentment. These are the things
which we thought and think to be of no small impor-
tance; and knowing them certainly intended, and con-
cluded upon, thought it our duties to utter the same to
you Mr Secretary, to make declaration thereof as shall
seem best to your wisdom. And of this matter thought
to write conjunctly, though we came severally by know-
ledge, agreeing both, in one, in the substance of that
which is determined. At Berwick, sixth March, 1565.*
'* F. BEDFORD. TH. RANDOLPHE."
I have given this long extract as the letter is of much
importance, and has never before been known. It proves
that Elizabeth received the most precise intimation of
the intended murder of Riccio; that she was made
fully acquainted with the determination to secure the
person of the Scottish queen, and create a revolution
in the government. Moray's share in the conspiracy,
and his consent to the assassination of the foreign
secretary, are established by the same letter beyond a
doubt ; and we see the declared object of the plot was,
to put an end to his banishment, to replace him in the
power which he had lost, and, by one decided and
triumphant blow, to destroy the schemes which were
in agitation for the re-establishment of the Roman
Catholic religion in Scotland. It is of great moment
to attend to the conduct of Elizabeth at this crisis.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, March 6, 1565, Berwick. Earl of Bed-
ford and Thomas Randolph to Secretary Cecil, endorsed by Cecil's clerk,
Earl of Bedford and Mr Randolph to my Mr.
1565-6. MARY. 27
She knew all that was about to occur : the life of Riccio,
the liberty perhaps, too, the life of Mary was in her
hands; Moray was at her court; the conspirators were
at her devotion ; they had given the fullest information
to Randolph, that he might consult the queen : she
might have imprisoned Moray, discomfited the plans
of the conspirators, saved th life of the miserable victim
who was marked for slaughter, and preserved Mary, to
whom she professed a warm attachment, from captivity.
All this might have been done, perhaps it is not too
much to say, that even in these dark times it would
have been done, by a monarch acutely alive to the
common feelings of humanity. But Elizabeth adopted
a very different course : she not only allowed Moray
to leave her realm, she dismissed him with marks of
the highest confidence and distinction ; and this baron,
when ready to set out for Scotland, to take his part
in those dark transactions which soon after followed,
sent his secretary Wood, to acquaint Cecil with the
most secret intentions of the conspirators. *
Whilst these terrible designs were in preparation
against her, some hints of approaching danger were
conveyed to the Scottish queen; but she imprudently
disregarded them. Riccio, too, received a mysterious
caution from Damiot an astrologer, whom he used to
consult, and who bade him beware of the bastard, evi-
dently alluding to George Douglas, the natural son of
the Earl of Angus, and one of the chief conspirators ;
but he imagined that he pointed at Moray, then m
banishment, and derided his apprehensions, -f* Mean-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, March 8tt, 1565-6, Newcastle, Moray
to Cecil. See also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B. C., Bedford to Cecil,
Berwick, March 8th, 1565-6. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Bedford
and Randolph to Leicester and Cecil, Berwick, March 8th, 1565-6.
J- Spottiswood, p. 194.
28 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ] 565-6.
time everything was in readiness ; a large concourse
of the friends of the Reformed Church assembled at
Edinburgh for the week of fasting and humiliation :
directions for prayer and sermons had been previously
drawn up by Knox and the ministers, and the subjects
chosen were such as seemed calculated to prepare the
public mind for resistance, violence, and bloodshed.
They were selected from the Old Testament alone, and
included, amongst other examples, the saying of Oreb
and Zeeb, the cutting off the Benjamites, the fast of
Esther, the hanging of Haman, inculcating the duty
of inflicting swift and summary vengeance on all who
persecuted the people of God. *
On the third of March the fast commenced hi the
capital, and on the fourth, parliament assembled. It
was opened by the queen in person, and the lords of
the Articles having been chosen, the statute of treason
and forfeiture against Moray and the banished lords
was prepared. This was on a Thursday ; and on Tues-
day, in the following week, the act was to be passed ;
but it was fearfully arrested in its progress. [
On Saturday evening, about seven o'clock, when it
was dark, the Earls of Morton and Lindsay, with a
hundred and fifty men bearing torches and weapons,
occupied the court of the' palace of Holyrood, seized
the gates without resistance, and closed them against
all but their own friends. At this moment Mary was
at supper in a small closet or cabinet, which entered
from her bed-chamber. She was attended by the
Countess of Argyle, the Commendator of Holyrood,
* Knox, pp. 340, 341, Treatise on Fasting, &c., a rare Tract. Edinburgh,
1565, Lekprevik. Kindly communicated to me by my friend, Mr James
Chalmers ; and Goodall, "vol. i. pp. 248, 249.
f- MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Bedford and Randolph to Leicester and
Cecil, Berwick, 8th March, 1565-6. Ibid. Same to the Queen, 6th March,
1565-6.
1565-6. MARY 29
Beaton master of the household, Arthur Erskine cap-
tain of the guard, and her secretary Riccio. The bed-
chamber communicated by a secret turnpike-stair with
the king's apartment below, to which the conspirators
had been admitted ; and Darnley, ascending this stair,
threw up the arras which concealed its opening in the
wall, entered the little apartment where Mary sat, and,
casting his arm fondly round her waist, seated himself
beside her at table. A minute had scarcely passed when
Ruthven, clad in complete armour, abruptly broke in.
This man had just risen from a sick-bed, his features
were sunk and pale from disease, his voice hollow, and
his whole appearance haggard and terrible. Mary, who
was now seven months gone with child, started up in
terror, commanding him to begone ; but ere the words
were uttered, torches gleamed in the outer room, a
confused noise of voices and weapons was heard, and
the next moment George Douglas, Car of Faudonside,
and other conspirators, rushed into the closet.* Ruth-
ven now drew his dagger, and calling out that their
business was with Riccio, made an effort to seize him;
whilst this miserable victim springing behind the queen,
clung by her gown, and in his broken language called
out, " Giustizia, Giustizia! sauve ma vie, Madame,
sauve ma vie !"} All was now uproar and confusion;
and though Mary earnestly implored them to have
mercy, they were deaf to her entreaties : the table and
lights were thrown down, Riccio was stabbed by Douglas
over the queen's shoulder ; Car of Faudonside, one of
the most ferocious of the conspirators, held a pistol to
* Mary to the Bishop of Glasgow, 2d April, 1566. Keith, p. 330. Also,
Bedford and Randolph to the Council, 27th March, 1566. Ellis, vol. ii. first
series, p. 207. Morton and Ruthven's Narrative. Caligula, book ix. foL
219, more full than that in Keith, App. 120, which is a Copy.
f" BirrePs Diary, p. 5.
SO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6
her breast, and whilst she shrieked with terror, their
bleeding victim was torn from her knees, and dragged
amidst shouts and execrations through the queen's bed-
room, to the entrance of the presence chamber. Here
Morton and his men rushed upon him, and buried their
daggers in his body. So eager and reckless were they
in their ferocity, that in the struggle to get at him,
they wounded one another ; nor did they think the
work complete till the body was mangled by fifty-six
wounds, and left in a pool of blood, with the king's
dagger sticking in it, to show, as was afterwards alleged,
that he had sanctioned' the murder. *
Nothing can more strongly show the ferocious man-
ners of the times than an incident which now occurred.
Ruthven, faint from sickness, and reeking from the
scene of blood, staggered into the queen's cabinet, where
Mary still stood distracted and in terror of her life.
Here he threw himself upon a seat, called for a cup of
wine, and being reproached for the cruelty of his con-
duct, not only vindicated himself and his associates,
but plunged a new dagger into the heart of the unhappy
queen, by declaring that her husband had advised the
whole. She was then ignorant of the completion of
the murder, but suddenly one of her ladies rushed into
the room and cried out that their victim was slain.
"And is it so," said Mary, " then farewell tears, we
must now think of revenge." *f"
Having finished the first act of this tragedy, the
conspirators proceeded to follow out their preconcerted
* Drury to Cecil, B. C. Berwick, 27th March, 1566, " David had 56
wounds, whereof 34 was in his back." " Such desire," says Drury, " was
to have him surely- and speedily, slain, that in jabbing at him so many at
once,, as some bestowed their daggers where neither they meant it not, nor
the receivers willing to have it ; as one can, for his own good, now in this
town, (a follower to my Lord Ruthven,) be too true a testimony, who carries
the bag in [on] his hand."
f Morton and Ruthven's Narrative ut supra. Spottiswood, p. 195.
1565-6. MARY. 31
measures. The queen was kept a prisoner in her
apartment, and strictly guarded. The king, assuming
the sole power, addressed his royal letters, dissolving
the parliament, and commanding the Estates to leave
the capital within three hours on pain of treason; orders
were despatched to the magistrates, enjoining them
with their city force to keep a vigilant watch, and
suffer none but Protestants to leave their houses ; and
to Morton, the chancellor, with his armed retainers,
was intrusted the guarding the gates of the palace,
with strict injunction that none should escape from
it.*
This, however, amid the tumult of a midnight mur-
der, was not so easy a task. Huntley and Bothwell
contrived to elude the guards. Sir James Balfour
and James Melvil were equally fortunate ; and as this
last gentleman passed beneath the queen's window, she
threw up the sash and implored him to warn the citi-
zens, to save her from the traitors who had her in their
power : soon after the common bell was heard ringing,
so speedily had the message been carried ; and the chief
magistrate, with a body of armed townsmen, rushed
confusedly into the palace court, demanding the instant
deliverance of their sovereign. But Mary in vain
implored to speak with them ; she was dragged back
from the window by the ruffians, who threatened to
cut her in pieces if she attempted to show herself; and
in her stead the pusillanimous Darnley was thrust
forward. He' addressed the citizens, assured them
that both he and the queen were in safety, and, com-
manding them on their allegiance to go home, was
instantly obeyed.j-
* Morton and Ruthven's Narrative, Keith, Appendix, p. 126.
t Mary to Archbishop Beaton, 2d April, 1565-6, in Keith, 332. Melvil 1 *
Memoirs, p. 150.
32 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
Thus ended all hope of rescue; but although baffled
in this attempt, secluded even from her women, trem-
bling and justly fearing for her life, the queen's courage
and presence of mind did not forsake her. She remon-
strated with her husband ; she even condescended
to reason with Ruthven, who replied in rude and
upbraiding terms; and at last, exhausted with this
effort, she would have sunk down had they not called
for her ladies and left her to repose. Next morning
all the horrors of her condition broke fully upon her :
she was a prisoner, in the hands of a band of assassins ;
they were led by her husband, who watched all her
motions ; he had already assumed the royal power,
she was virtually dethroned ; who could tell what dark
purposes might not be meditated against her person.
These thoughts agitated her to excess, and threw her
into a fever, in which she imagined the ferocious Ruth-
ven was coming to murder her, and shrieking out that
she was abandoned by all, she was threatened with
miscarriage. The piteous sight revived Darnley's
affection ; her gentlewomen were admitted, and the
danger passed away ; yet so strong was the suspicion
with which she was guarded, that no lady was allowed
to pass " muffled" from the queen's chamber.*
It was now Sunday night, the murder had been
committed late on Saturday evening ; and, according
to their previous concert, Moray, Rothes and Ochil-
tree, with others of the banished lords, arrived in the
capital and instantly rode to the palace. They were
welcomed by Darnley ; and so little did Mary suspect
Moray's foreknowledge of the murder, that she in-
stantly sent for him, and throwing herself into his
arms in an agony of tears, exclaimed, " if my brother
* Morton and Ruthven's Narrative. Keith, Appendix, pp. 127, 128.
1565-6. MARY. 33
had been here he never would have suffered me to have
been thus cruelly handled." The sight overcame him,
and he is reported to have wept ; but, if sincere, his
compunction was momentary, for, from the queen he
repaired to Morton, and in a meeting with the whole
conspirators, it was resolved to shut up their sovereign
in Stirling castle, to compel her to give the crown and
the whole government of the realm to Darnley, and to
confirm the Protestant religion under the penalty of
death or perpetual imprisonment.*
Meanwhile, Mary's spirit and courage revived. She
perceived that her influence over her husband was not
at an end, and exerting those powers of fascination and
persuasive language which she possessed in so high a
degree, she succeeded in alarming his fears, and awaken-
ing his love. She represented to him, that he was
surrendering himself a tool into the hands of her ene-
mies and his own : if they had belied her honour, if
they had periled her life, and that of his unborn infant,
could he believe that, when he alone stood between
them and their ambition, they would hesitate to destroy
him. Already he might see they took the power into
their own hands, and when he sent his servants to her,
refused to admit them ; and then the flagrant falsehood
of accusing him as a party to so base a murder, a deed
which, had he really contemplated, (but this she was
assured he never had,) must cover him with infamy
in the eyes of the country, and of the world. Their
only safety lay in escaping together. If, said she, it
is your wish, I am ready to forgive, even the bloody
men whose atrocious act you have just witnessed.
Go and tell them so but let them treat me as a free
queen, let them remove their guards, avoid the palace
* Mary to Beaton. Keith, p. 332.
34 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
which they have polluted with blood, and I will sign
a written pardon for them on the spot. Darnley was
won by her arguments, and becoming terrified for the
consequences of the murder, took refuge in falsehood,
denied all connexion with the conspiracy, and placed
himself in the hands of Mary, with the same facility
which had lately made him the slave of the conspirators.
Ruthven and Morton, however, were not so easily
deceived, and insisted that the queen meant only to
betray them. The king replied, she was a true prin-
cess, that he would stake his life for her faith and
honour,* and led the conspirators to her presence, where
she heard their defence, assured them of her readiness
to pardon, and sent them away to draw up a writing
for their security. They did so, delivered the paper
to Darnley, left the palace, removed the guards, and
permitted the servants of the household to resume their
charge. To lull suspicion, the queen retired to rest,
and Ruthven and his associates deeming all safe, betook
themselves to the house of Morton the chancellor, as
we have seen, one of the chief actors in the murder
but at midnight Mary rose, threw herself upon a fleet
horse, and, accompanied only by the king and Arthur
Erskine, fled to Dunbar. The news of her escape flew
through the land ; her nobles, Huntley, Athole, Both-
well, and multitudes of barons and gentlemen, crowded
round her; and in the morning Morton, Ruthven, and
the rest of the conspirators, awoke only to hear that
their victim had eluded their grasp, that an army of
her subjects had already assembled at Dunbar, and
that the penalties of treason were suspended over their
heads.
* This assertion of Darnley, which gives a direct contradiction to the story
of Mary's alleged passion for Riccio, rests on the evidence of Lord Ruthven,
who was present. See his narrative of the murder in Keith, Appendix, p.
128.
1565-6. MARY. 35
Mar j thus escaped ; and it is impossible to withhold
our admiration of the coolness, judgment, and courage
exhibited by a woman under the dreadful circumstance*
in which she was called upon to exert these qualities
If we blame her duplicity, let it be remembered, thai
her own life, and that of her infant, were in jeopardy;
that there was nothing unreasonable in the idea that
the ruffians who had torn her secretary from her knees,
and murdered him in her chamber, might, before many
hours were over, be induced to repeat the deed upon
herself. We may gather, indeed, from the dark and
indefinite expressions of Randolph in describing the
approaching assassination, that their intentions, if she
resisted their wishes, vacillated between murder and
perpetual captivity.
Once more free, the queen acted with her usual spirit
and decision. Having regained her ascendancy over
the king, she obtained from this weak prince a disclo-
sure of the chief persons engaged in the conspiracy.
It would appear, however, that Darnley concealed
Moray's guilt, and only denounced Morton, Ruthven,
and other associates. Against them the queen took
instant steps. She summoned her people to attend
her in arms, directed a writ of treason to be issued
against the chancellor, Lethington, and their accom-
plices, and advanced at the head of a force of eight
thousand men to the capital.* Aware of this, the
conspirators fled with the utmost precipitation. Mor-
ton, Ruthven, Brunston, and Andrew Car, took instant
refuge in England ; others, scattered hither and thither,
concealed themselves in their own country. Knox in
great agony of spirit, and groaning over the Church
and his flock, buried himself in the friendly recesses of
* Knox, History, p. 437.
36 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1565-6.
Kyle, and Lethington hastened to gain the mountain
fastnesses of Athole. It was remarkable that Craig,
the colleague of Knox, did not leave the city.*
To the English queen, and her brother the Earl of
Moray, Mary had a more difficult part to act, whilst
she felt equal embarrassment as to the degree of con-
fidence to be given to the king. We have seen incon-
trovertible proof that Moray was a party to the murder,
though not a perpetrator of it ; that Elizabeth was
accessory to the conspiracy, and that Darnley and his
father Lennox were the original contrivers of the
whole : but of all this Mary at this moment was igno-
rant. Elizabeth, on being informed of the outrage,
expressed the deepest sympathy and indignation ;
Moray affected an equal abhorrence of everything that
had occurred. Darnley not only denounced his former
friends, but busied himself in bringing them to justice.
The queen, therefore, without renouncing her resolution
to punish the murder with the utmost rigour, deemed
it prudent in the first instance to secure the active
assistance of Elizabeth, to strengthen her ties with
France, and to promote a reconciliation amongst her
nobility, many of whom were at feud with each other:
Bothwell, who during the late disturbances had vigor-
ously exerted himself for his sovereign, was the enemy
of Moray and Lethington ; Athole, with whom Leth-
ington had taken refuge, was at variance with Argyle ;
and the differences amongst the leading barons as usual
extended their ramifications through all their retainers
and dependants.
It says much for the judgment of the queen that her
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Berwick, 21st March,
1565. M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 254. I quote from the new and excellent
edition of this work by Dr Crichton. See also Knox's Prayer, dated 12th
March, 1565-6, subjoined to his answer to Tyrie.
1566. MARY. 37
efforts to compose these fatal differences were success-
ful. Moray and Bothwell were reconciled, Argyle and
Athole agreed to suspend their contests, and Mary-
seemed even disposed to pardon Morton, Lethington,
and the principal conspirators, if the extension of
mercy could have brought back peace and security to
her kingdom.* But this intended leniency only
brought upon her more sorrow. Her weak and trea-
cherous husband became alarmed, and more loudly
denounced his late friends who had murdered Riccio.
This conduct enraged them to the utmost, and they
retaliated by again accusing him, in more distinct and
positive terms than before, of being the sole instigator
and contriver of the murder. To prove this, they laid
the " bands," or covenants before the queen, and the
dreadful truth broke upon her in all its sickening and
heart-rending force.'f* She now understood for the first
time that the king was the principal conspirator against
her, the defamer of her honour, the plotter against her
liberty and her crown, the almost murderer of herself
and her unborn child ; he was convicted as a traitor
and a liar, false to his own honour, false to her, false
to his associates in crime. At this moment Mary must
have felt, that to have leant upon a husband whom she
could trust, might, amid the terrible plots with which
she was surrounded, have been the means of saving
herself and her crown ; but on Darnley she could
never lean again. Can we wonder that her heart was
almost broken by the discovery that, to use the words
of Melvil, she should have loudly lamented the king's
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, 2d April, 1566 ; and
Ibid., Robert Melvil to Cecil, 3d April, 1566, Edinburgh.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, April 4, Berwick, Randolph to Cecil.
" The queen hath now seen all the covenants and bands that passed between
the king and the lords. And now findeth that his declaration before her
and the council, of his innocency of the death of David, was false."
VOL. VIL C
38 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
folly and unthankfulness, that she was compelled to
withdraw from him all confidence, and in solitary bit-
terness to act entirely for herself.
But if such were the queen's feelings towards the
young king, those of the conspirators whom he had
betrayed were of a sterner kind. Even in those flagi-
tious days, there were sanctions, the disregard of which
covered a man with infamy and contempt, and amongst
these, one of the most sacred was fidelity to the writ-
ten "bands" by which the feudal barons were bound
to each other. To one of these Darnley, as we have
seen, had become a principal : his fellow-conspirators
had performed their promise : he had not only broken
his and denied all accession to the plot, but had be-
trayed the principal actors, and meanly purchased his
own safety by their destruction. The consequence
was the utmost indignation, and a thirst for revenge
upon the part of Morton, Moray, Lethington, and
their associates, which, there is reason to believe, in-
creased in intensity till it was assuaged only in his
death. These feelings of indignation were not confined
to the fugitive lords. Mary avoided his company, and
forbade her friends to give him any countenance. She
promoted Joseph Eiccio, David's brother, who had
arrived in the suite of Mauvissiere, the French ambas-
sador, to the dangerous vacancy caused by the murder;*
and at last became so impatient and miserable under
the ties by which she was bound to her husband, that
she entertained the extraordinary design of retiring to
France, and intrusting the government of her kingdom
to a regency, composed of five of her principal lords,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Berwick, April 20, 1566, Drury
to Cecil. Also, same to same, B.C., Berwick, April 26, 1566. See also Sir
Th. Hoby to Cecil, French Correspondence, State-paper Office, 29th April,
1566.
1566. MARY. 39
Moray, Mar, Huntley, Athole, and Bothwell.* An-
other scheme, which at this moment occupied her mind,
was the possibility of obtaining a divorce, on which
errand it was reported, she had sent a messenger,
named Thornton, to Rome.-f
Her feelings, however, though keen, were not bitter
or lasting. As the period of her confinement drew near,
her resentment softened towards the king. At this
moment her mind had become haunted with the terror
that Morton and his savage associates, whose hands
were stained with the blood of Riccio, had determined
to break in upon her, during her labour : but the as-
surances of the English queen, who sent her word that
she had dismissed him from her dominions, (which was
not strictly true,) restored her to composure. J Uncer-
tain that she should survive her confinement, she called
for her nobility, took measures regarding the govern-
ment of the kingdom, made her will, became reconciled
to the king, and personally arranged everything either
for life or death.
On the nineteenth of June she was delivered of a
prince in the castle of Edinburgh, and immediately
despatched Sir James Melvil to carry the news to
Elizabeth. The English queen received the intelli-
gence with her usual duplicity. From Cecil, who saw
her before Melvil was admitted, and whispered the
unwelcome news in her ear as she was dancing at
* MS. Letter, copy, Lethington to Randolph, 27th April, 1566. Caligula
book ix. fol. 244.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Berwick, April 25, 1566, Randolph to
Cecil.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Berwick, June 13, 1566, Randolph to
Cecil. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, July 4, 1566, Kil-
ligrew to Cecil. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Cecil,
24th June, 1566.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Berwick, Randolph to Cecil, 7th June,
1566.
40 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
Greenwich, after supper, she could not conceal her
feelings. All mirth was at an end, she sat down, leant
her cheek on her hand, and then burst forth in lamen-
tations to her ladies, that she was a barren stock, whilst
the Queen of Scots was the mother of a fair son.
When Melvil had audience next morning, everything
was serene. His tidings, she said, gave her the ut-
most joy, and had cured her of a fifteen days 1 sickness.
She promised also, in reply to his urgent request, that
there should be a speedy settlement of the question of
the succession.*
Meanwhile Mary recovered, and assured of the con-
tinuance of amicable relations with England, applied
herself with her usual energy to heal the dissensions
amongst her nobles, to conduct internal tranquillity and
to re-establish a firm government. The great difficulty
was the conduct to be pursued with Morton and the
banished lords ; and the queen soon became convinced
that she must sacrifice her own feelings and adopt a
lenient course, if she wished to recover her power.
Amongst her nobility there was no want of talents or
energy; the difficulty was to attach them to the crown,
to heal their feuds amongst themselves, to prevent their
intrigues with England. So long as Lethington was
in disgrace, and the murderers of Riccio were banished,
these ends could not be gained. The queen, therefore,
listened to the intercession of Moray, whom she now
treated with great confidence. Lethington was recon-
ciled to Bothwell, and pardoned ; the Lairds of Brun-
ston, Ormiston, Hatton, and Calder, the leaders of the
Church party, were received into favour ; but Knox
still continued in his retreat, and there appears to have
* MS. Letter, State-r a P er Office, Killigrew to Cecil, 24th June, 1566,
Melvil's Memoirs, Bannatyne edit. p. 161.
1566. MARY 41
been some special rigour manifested against him on
the part of the queen.* Morton, the arch -conspirator,
with his assistants, Lindsay and Ruthven, were still
proscribed ; but Moray, Bothwell, Argyle, Athole, and
Lethington, who now acted together, exerted them-
selves unremittingly to procure their restoration, and
the queen, it was evident, began to think of permitting
their return, -f*
This intended mercy enraged the young king, and
appears to have driven him upon foolish and dangerous
courses : as his opponents were mostly Protestants, he
began to intrigue with the Romanists, and went so far
as to write secretly to the pope, arraigning the conduct
of the queen, in delaying to restore the mass. When
his letters were intercepted, and his practices discovered,
he complained bitterly of the neglect into which he had
fallen, affirmed that he had no share in the government,
accused the nobles of a plot against his life, and at last
formed the desperate resolution of leaving the kingdom,
and remonstrating to foreign powers against the cruelty
with which he was treated. { This mad project alarmed
his father Lennox, who communicated his fears to the
queen, and Mary made an earnest attempt to restore
him to his duty. The interview and remonstrances to
which this led, are of much importance in estimating
the dark charges afterwards brought against Mary; and
we fortunately know the whole particulars from the
Lords of the Council, before whom it took place, and
also from the French ambassador De Croc, who was
present. The queen, it appears, had at first affection-
ately, and in private, implored Darnley to disclose the
* M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 254.
t MS. Letter, State-paper, Office, B.C., Forster to Cecil, September li>,
1566.
I Monsieur de Croc's Letter to Archbishop Beaton, printed by Keith, p.
345, from the original, then in the Scots College, Paris.
42 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
causes of his grief. " The queen," said the Lords of
the Council, addressing the queen-mother,* "conde-
scended so far as to go and meet the king without the
palace, and so conducted him into her own apartment,
where he remained all night ; and then her majesty
entered calmly with him upon the subject of his going
abroad, that she might understand from himself the oc-
casion of such a resolution. But he would by no means
give or acknowledge that he had any occasion offered
him of discontent. The Lords of the Council, being
acquainted early next morning that the king was just
agoing to return to Stirling, they repaired to the queen's
apartment, and no other persons being present, except
their lordships, and Monsieur de Croc,whom they prayed
to assist with them, as being here on the part of your
majesty."
The occasion of their meeting together was then, with
all humility and reverence due to their majesties, pro-
posed, namely, to understand from the king, whether,
according to advice imparted to the queen by the Earl
of Lennox, he had formed a resolution to depart by sea
out of the realm, and on what ground, and for what
end? That if his resolution proceeded from some dis-
content, they were earnest to know what persons had
afforded an occasion for the same ? That if he could
complain of any of the subjects of the realm, be they
of what quality whatsoever, the fault should be imme-
diately repaired to his satisfaction. "And here," they
continued, " we did remonstrate to him, that his own
honour, the queen's honour, the honour of us all, were
concerned; for if, without just occasion ministered, he
would retire from the place where he had received so
* Lords of the Privy-council to the Queen-mother, Get 8th, 1566. Keith,
p. 347, being a translation from a copy then in the Scots College at Paris.
1566. MARY. 43
much honour, and abandon the society of her to whom
he is so far obliged, that in order to advance him she
has humbled herself, and from being his sovereign had
surrendered herself to be his wife ; if he should act
in this sort, the whole world would blame him as in-
grate, regardless of the friendship the queen bare him,
and utterly unworthy to possess the place to which she
had exalted him. On the other hand, that if any just
occasion had been given him, it behoved the same to
be very important, since it inclined him to relinquish
so beautiful a queen, and noble realm ; and the same
must have been afforded him either by the queen her-
self, or by us her ministers. As for us, we professed
ourselves ready to do him all the justice he could
demand. And for her majesty, so far was she from
ministering to him occasion of discontent, that, on the
contrary, he had all the reason in the world to thank
God for giving him so wise and virtuous a person, as she
had showed herself in all her actions."
" Then her majesty," so the letter goes, "was pleased
to enter into the discourse, and spoke affectionately to
him, beseeching him, that seeing he would not open
his mind in private to her the last night, according to
her most earnest request, he would, at least, be pleased
to declare, before these lords, where she had offended
him anything. She likewise said, that she had a clear
conscience, that in all her life she had done no action
which could any way prejudge either his or her own
honour ; but nevertheless, that as she might perhaps
have given him offence without design, she was willing
to make amends as far as he should require, and there-
fore prayed him not to dissemble the occasion of his
displeasure, if any he had, nor to spare her in the least
matter. But though the queen and all others that
44 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
were present, together with Monsieur de Croc, used all
the interest they were able, to persuade him to open
his mind, yet he would not at all own that he intended
any voyage, or had any discontent, and declared freely
that the queen had given him no occasion for any."*
Such is the account given of this important interview
by the Lords of the Council ; and Monsieur de Croc,
in writing a week afterwards to the Archbishop of
Glasgow, Mary's ambassador in France, was equally
explicit in describing the affectionate conduct of the
queen, and the strange and wayward proceedings of
Darnley. He then added this remarkable sentence :
" It is in vain to imagine that he shall be able to raise
any disturbance ; for there is not one person in all this
kingdom, from the highest to the lowest, that regards
him any farther than is agreeable to the queen. And
I never saw her majesty so much beloved, esteemed, and
honoured ; nor so great a harmony amongst all her
subjects, as at present is, by her wise conduct ; for I
cannot perceive the smallest difference or division."^
Yet neither the temperate conduct of the queen, the
remonstrances of the council, nor the neglect into which
he found himself daily sinking, produced any amend-
ment in Darnley. He persisted in his project of leaving
the kingdom; denounced Lethington, the justice-clerk
Bellenden, and Makgill the clerk-register, as principal
conspirators against Riccio; insisted that they should
be deprived of their offices ; and became an object of
dislike and suspicion not only to Mary, but to all that
powerful and now united party, by whom she was sur-
* Lords of the Privy-council to the Queen-mother. Keith, p. 347. The
letter is dated Oct. 8, 1566.
f Letter from Monsr. de Croc to Archbishop Beaton, dated Oct. 15, 1566,
published by Keitn, p. 346, being a translation from the original then in the
Scots College, Paris.
1566. MARY. 45
rounded.* Its leaders, Moray, Lethington, Argyle,
and Bothwell, saw in him the bitter opponent of Mor-
ton's pardon. The faction of the Church hated him
for his intrigues with Rome; -J- Cecil, and the party of
Elizabeth, suspected him of practices with the English
Roman Catholics ; J the Hamiltons had always looked
on him with dislike, as an obstacle between them and
their hopes of succession ; and the queen bitterly re-
pented that she was tied to a wayward and intemperate
person, who had already endangered her life and her
crown, and was constantly thwarting every measure
which promised the restoration of tranquillity and good
government.
When such was the state of matters between the
king and queen, disturbances broke out upon the
Borders, and rendered it necessary for Mary to repair
in person to these districts, for the purpose of holding
courts for the trial of delinquents. Her lieutenant,
or warden of the Borders, at this time, was the Earl
of Bothwell; and him she despatched, at the head of a
considerable force, to reduce the Elliots, Armstrongs,
and other offenders, to something like subjection, before
she herself repaired to the spot. Sofaras this taskwent,
Bothwell was well fitted for it. He was of high rank,
possessed a daring and martial spirit, and his unshaken
attachment to her interests, at a time when the queen
had suffered from the desertion of almost every other
servant, made him a favourite with a princess who
esteemed bravery and fidelity above all other virtues.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Forster to Cecil, May 16, 1566,
Alnwick. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, May 13,
1566, Berwick.
t Knox's History, p. 348. Glasgow edition, by M'Gavin, 1832.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Rogers to Cecil, July 5, 1566, Oxford.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Scrope to Cecil, Carlisle, Oct. 6,
1566. Also, Ibid. B.C. Same to the same, Oct. 8, 1566.
46 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
But, unfortunately for Mary, he possessed other and
more dangerous qualities.* His ambition and audacity
were unbounded. He was a man of notorious gallantry,
and had spent a loose life on the continent, from which,
it was said, he had imported some of its worst vices.
In attaining the objects of his ambition he was perfectly
unscrupulous as to the means he employed, and he had
generally about him a band of broken and desperate
men, with whom his office of Border warden made him
familiar ; hardened and murderous villians, who were
ready on the moment to obey every command of their
master. In one respect, Bothwell was certainly better
than many of his brother nobles. There seems to have
been little craft or hypocrisy about him, and he made
no attempt to conceal his infirmities or vices under the
cloak of religion. It is not unlikely, that for this
reason, Mary, who had experienced his fidelity to the
crown, was more disposed to trust him in any difficulty,
than those stern and fanatical leaders, who, with religion
on their lips, were often equally indifferent as to the
means which they employed. It is certain, that from
this time she began to treat him with great favour, and
to be guided by a preference so predominant, that it was
not unlikely to be mistaken for a more tender feeling.
This partiality of the queen for Bothwell, was early
detected by Moray, Lethington, and their associates :
they observed that his vanity was flattered by the favour
shown him by his sovereign ; they artfully fanned the
flame, and encouraged an ambition, already daring
enough, to aspire to a height which he had never dreamt
of; and it is the opinion of Sir James Melvil, who
spoke from personal observation, that Bothwell's plot
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Sept. 20,
1565.
1566. MARY. 47
for the murder of his sovereign, and the possession of
the queen's person, had its origin about this time, when
she despatched him to suppress the disturbances in
Liddesdale. *
After the singular scene before the privy-council and
the French ambassador, the king left the court; and
the queen, accompanied by her ministers and the
officers of her household, set out on her progress to
the Borders. At this moment these districts were in
a state of great disorder; a feud raged between the
Armstrongs and the Johnstons, two of the fiercest and
most numerous septs in that part of the country .-f- The
arrival of Bothwell, the queen's lieutenant, with a com-
mission to reduce them to obedience, rather increased
the disturbances, and in an attempt to apprehend Elliot
of Park, a notorious marauder, the earl was grievously
wounded, and left for dead on the field. An account
of the sanguinary skirmish in which this happened,
was immediately sent by Lord Scrope to Secretary
Cecil. " I have," said he, " presently gotten intelli-
gence out of Scotland, that the Earl of Bothwell, being
in Liddesdale for the apprehension of certain disordered
persons there, had apprehended the Lairds of Mangerton
and Whitehaugh, with sundry other Armstrongs of
their surname and kindred, whom he had put within
the Hermitage.^ And yesterday, going about to take
such like persons of the Elliots, in pursuit of them his
lordship being foremost, and far before his company,
encountered one John Elliot of the Park, hand to hand,
and shot him through the thigh with a dag, upon
* Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 170, 173. Melvil, who wrote probably from
memory, erroneously places the baptism of the prince, before the skirmish
in Liddesdale, when Bothwell was wounded.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Scrope to Cecil, Carlisle, Oct. 6,
1566.
1 A strong castle in that district. A pistol
48 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
which wound the man feeling himself in peril of death,
with a two handed sword assailed the earl so cruelly,
that he killed him ere he could get any rescue or succour
of his men. 1 '* Bothwell, however, though severely
wounded, was not slain as at first reported, but having
revived, was carried off the field to his castle of the
Hermitage.
This accident happened on the seventh of October,
and on the next day, the eighth, the queen arrived at
Jedburgh, and opened her court, -f- The proceedings
against the various delinquents who were brought be-
fore it, occupied her uninterruptedly until the fifteenth,
on which day she rode to the Hermitage, and visited
the Earl of Bothwell, who lay there confined by his
wounds. The object of the visit appears to have been
to hold a conference with the earl on the state of that
disturbed district of which he was the governor. Mary
was accompanied by Moray and others of her officers,
in whose presence she communicated with Bothwell :
afterwards, on the same day, she returned to Jed-
burgh ;J and Lord Scrope, who immediately informed
Cecil of the visit, added the precise information, that
she had remained two hours at the castle, to BothwelFs
great pleasure and contentment.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Lord Scrope to Cecil, Carlisle,
Oct. 8, 1566. Also MS. Letter, Ibid. Sir John Forster to Cecil, Oct. 23,
1566, Berwick.
+ Chalmers, vol. i. p. 190, 4to edition.
J Caligula, B. iv. 104, dorso. Fragment of a contemporary history of
Mary Queen of Scots in French. *
MS. Life of Mary Queen of Scots. " Sa majeste fut requise et conseille'
d'aller visiter en une maison appelle Hermitage, pour entendre de luy 1'estat
des affaires de pays de quel le dit Sieur [Both well J estait gouverneur here-
ditairement. Pour ceste occasion elle y alia en diligence, accompagne du
Conte de Murray, et autres seigneurs, en presence desquelles elle communiqua
avec le dit Sieur Compte, et s'en retourna le mesme jour a Jedwood, ou le
lendemain elle tomba malade." * * Caligula, B. iv. 104, dorso.
Laing in his account of this visit, and the arguments he deduces from
it, has implicitly adopted the mistakes of Buchanan, and derides the account
of my grandfather in his Vindication of Queen Mary, which is far nearer the
1566. MARY. 49
Such a visit was undoubtedly a flattering mark of
regard paid by a sovereign to a subject; but he was of
high rank and in high office, he had nearly lost his life
in the execution of his duty, and he was a favourite
with the queen.
Immediately after her return, Mary was seized with
a dangerous fever, which ran its course with an alarm-
ing rapidity, and for ten days caused the physicians
to despair of her life. Its origin was traced by some,
to the fatigue of her long ride to the Hermitage ; but
her secretary Lethington, with greater probability, in
a letter written to Beaton the Scottish ambassador in
France, ascribed her illness to distress of mind, oc-
casioned by the cruel and ungrateful conduct of the
king.* " The occasion of the queen's sickness," said
he, " so far as I can understand, is caused of thought
and displeasure ; and I trow, by what I could wring
further of her own declaration to me, the root of it is the
king. For she has done him so great honour without
the advice of her friends, and contrary to the advice
of her subjects, and he, on the other hand, has recom-
pensed her with such ingratitude, and misuses himself
so far towards her, that it is a heartbreak to her to
think that he should be her husband, and how to be free
of him she has no outgait."^
During this alarming sickness, Mary believed herself
dying, and an interesting account of her behaviour has
come down to us from her confidential servants, who
were present, Secretary Lethington, the Bishop of
Ross, and the French ambassador de Croc. She ex-
truth than his own. The letter of Lord Scrope to Cecil, written at the mo-
ment, and not known to either of these authors, gives us the whole truth.
* Sloan MSS., British Museum, 3199. fol. 141. Lethington to ArcL-
bishop Beaton, Oct. 24, 1566.
f Ibid. Out-gait way of getting out.
50 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566
pressed her entire resignation to the will of God, she
exhorted her nobility in pathetic terms to remain in
unity and peace with each other, employing their ut-
most diligence in the government of the kingdom and
the education of her son ; she sent her affectionate
remembrances by De Croc to the French king, and her
relatives in that country, and declared her constant
mind to die in the Catholic faith.* To the great joy
of those around her at this moment, she recovered, and
although much weakened, proceeded in her progress
to Kelso, and thence by Dunbar to Craigmillar, near
Edinburgh.
But if there was a recovery of bodily health, there
was no return to peace of mind. During the height
of her illness, the king had never come to see her, and
a visit which he made when the danger was past, pro-
duced no effect in removing their unhappy estrange-
ment, -f* At this moment her condition, as described
by an eye-witness, Monsieur de Croc, was pitiable and
affecting. She seemed to have fallen into a profound
melancholy. " The queen," said this ambassador,
writing to the Archbishop of Glasgow, on the second
December, " is for the present at Craigmillar, about a
league distant from this city. She is in the hands of
the physicians, and I do assure you is not at all well,
and I do believe the principal part of her disease to
consist of a deep grief and sorrow. Nor does it seem
possible to make her forget the same. Still she repeats
these words, * I could wish to be dead.' You know
very well, that the injury she has received is exceeding
* Letter, Lesley bishop of Ross to the Archbishop of Glasgow, Jedburgh,
Oct. 27, 1566. Keith, Appendix, No. xiv. p. 134. Also MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, Oct. 24, 1566, Lethington to Cecil ; also the Council to Arch-
bishop Beaton, Oct. 23, 1566. Keith, Appendix, No. xiv. p. 133.
f- Extract in Keith, p. 352, from a letter of De Croc, dated 24th October,
1566.
1566. MARY. 51
great, and her majesty will never forget it. The king
her husband came to visit her at Jedburgh, the very
day after Captain Hay went away. He remained there
but one single night, and yet in that short time I had
a great deal of conversation with him. He returned
to see the queen about five or six days ago ; and the
day before yesterday he sent word to desire me to speak
with him half a league from this, which I complied
with, and found that things go still worse and worse.
I think he intends to go away to-morrow, but in any
event, I am much assured as I have always been, that
he won't be present at the baptism. To speak my
mind freely to you, (but I beg you not to disclose what
I say in any place that may turn to my prejudice,) I
do not expect, upon several accounts, any good under-
standing between them, unless God effectually put to
his hand. I shall only name two : the first reason is,
the king will never humble himself as he ought ; the
other is, the queen can't perceive any one nobleman
speaking with the king, but presently she suspects some
contrivance among them."*
At this moment, when matters between the king
and queen were in so miserable a state, the faction
opposed to Darnley, which was led by Moray, Leth-
ington, and Bothwell, held a consultation with Huntley
and Argyle at Craigmillar, and there proposed a scheme
to Mary for putting an end to her sorrows. This was,
to unite their efforts to procure a divorce between her
and her husband, stipulating as a preliminary that she
should pardon the Earl of Morton and his accomplices
in the murder of Biccio. When their design was first
intimated by these noblemen to the queen, she professed
* Translation by Keith, from part of an original letter of Monsieur de
Croc, dated 2d December, 1566, preserved at that time amongst the MSS.
of the Scots College at Paris. Keith, p. vii. of his Prefatory matter.
52 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
her willingness to consent to it, under the conditions
that the process of divorce should be legal, and that its
effect should not prejudice the rights of her son. It
was remarked that, after the divorce, Darnley had bet-
ter live in a remote part of the country, at a distance
from the queen, or retire to France. Upon which
Mary relenting, drew back from the proposal, expressed
a hope that he might return to a better mind, and pro-
fessed her own willingness to pass into France and
remain there till he acknowledged his faults. To this
Maitland the secretary made this remarkable reply,
hinting darkly that, rather than subject their queen
to such an indignity as retiring from her kingdom, it
would be better to substitute murder for divorce :
" Madam," said he, " soucy * ye not we are here of
the principal of your grace's nobility and council, that
shall not find the mean-f- well to make your majesty
quit of him without prejudice of your son ; and albeit
that my Lord of Moray, here present, be little less
scrupulous for a Protestant nor [than] your grace is
for a Papist, I am assured he will look through his
fingers thereto, and will behold our doings, and say
nothing thereto. 11 ! This speech alarmed the queen,
who instantly replied, that it was her pleasure nothing
should be done by which any spot might be laid upon
her honour ; " better, 1 ' said she, " permit the matter
remain in the state it is, abiding till God in his good-
ness put remedy thereto, [than] that ye believing to
do me service may possibly turn to my hurt or dis-
pleasure. 11 To this Lethington replied, " Madam, let
us to guide the business among us, and your grace
* French, mind ye not, se soucier.
f* In original the moyen.
$ Anderson's Collections, vol iv. p. ] 92 ; and contemporary copy, State-
paper Office.
1566. MARY. 53
shall see nothing but good, and approved by parlia-
ment."*
Such was this extraordinary conversation, and it is
certainly difficult to determine its precise import. It
appears to me that the first part alluded solely to the
divorce, and that the second proposition hinted at the
murder, though darkly, yet in terms which could
scarcely have been misunderstood by any who were
present. -f" It is certain that the queen commanded
Moray, Bothwell, and their associates to abandon all
thoughts of any such design ; but it had been glanced
at, she was put upon her guard, and difficult or im-
possible as it might have been at once to dismiss these
leading nobles from her councils, precautions might
have been taken to defeat their abominable purpose.
It is possible, however, that Mary considered her ex-
press command sufficient.
This, however, was but a feeble barrier in these cruel
times. The conspiracy proceeded ; and, in the usual
fashion of the age, a band or agreement for the murder
of Darnley was drawn up at Craigmillar, of which in-
strument Bothwell kept possession. It was said to
have been written by James Balfour, afterwards Pre-
sident of the Supreme Court, and then a daring and
profligate follower of this nobleman ; it was signed by
Lethington, Huntley, Argyle, and Sir James Balfour ;
it declared their resolution to cut off the king as a
young fool and tyrant, who was an enemy to the no-
bility, and had conducted himself in an intolerable
manner to the queen, and stipulated that, according to
* Anderson's Collections, vol. iv. p. 188, from a copy. Cotton, MS. Bri-
tish Museum, Caligula, C. i. f. 282. Protestation of the Earls of Huntley
and Argyle, touching the murder of the King of Scots. There is a contem-
porary copy, varying in a few words, in the State-paper Office.
+ Instructions and Articles, by the Lords Huntley, Argyle, &c., to John
bishop of Ross, Robert lord Boyd, &c., Goodall, vol. ii. p. 359.
VOL. VII. D
54 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
feudal usage, they should all stand by each other and
defend the deed as a measure of state, resolved on by
the chief councillors of the realm, and necessary for
the preservation of their own lives.*
Soon after this, the Earl of Bedford arrived from
England, to attend the baptism of the young prince ;
and it was remarked, that although Bothwell was a
Protestant, the arrangement of the ceremony was com-
mitted to him.-}* The Scottish queen had requested
Elizabeth to be godmother to her son ; and this prin-
cess having appointed the Countess of Argyle to be
her representative, J despatched Bedford with a font
of gold, which she expressed some fear that the little
prince might have overgrown. " If you find it so,"
said she, " you may observe that our good sister has
only to keep it for the next, or some such merry
talk."
On the seventeenth of December, the baptism of the
young prince took place with much magnificence at
* The existence of a Bond for the murder of the king is proved by Ormis-
ton's confession, (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, pp. 511, 512,) -who says he saw
the Bond in Bothwell's hands, and describes its contents, affirming that it
was signed by Huntley, Argyle, Lethington, and Sir James Balfour, and that
Bothwell told him many more had promised their assistance. This contract
was, he adds, devised by Sir James Balfour, and subscribed by them all a
quarter of a year before the deed was done. Ormiston in another part of his
confession, observes, that Bothwell broke to him the purpose for the murder
on the Friday before ; and when he expressed reluctance to have any con-
cern in it, he said, " Tush, Ormiston, ye need not take fear of this, for the
whole lords have concluded the same lang syne, in Craigmillar, all that was
there with the queen.'" The same bond is minutely alluded to in a contem-
porary life of Mary, written in French, apparently by one of her domestics,
who, although biassed, seems to have had good opportunities of observation.
Caligula, book i v. folio, 1 04, dorso. See also Answer of Lord Berries at York
to Moray's " Elk," or Additional Accusation. Goodall, Appendix, vol. ii.
p. 212.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir John Forster to Cecil, llth
December, 1566, Berwick.
MS. State-paper Office, ult. October, 1566, Minute in Cecil's hand, from
the Queen's Majesty to the Countess of Argyle.
Instructions to Bedford, November 7, 1566, Caligula, book x. 384, a
copy.
1566. MARY. 55
Stirling. The ceremony was performed according to
the Roman ritual, by the Archbishop of St Andrew's,
and the royal infant received the names of Charles
James.*
Mary upon this occasion exerted herself to throw off
the melancholy by which she was oppressed, and re-
ceived the foreign ambassadors and her noble guests
with those winning and delightful manners, of which
even her enemies felt the fascination ; but the secret
grief that preyed upon her could not be concealed.
" The queen," said De Croc, writing to Beaton the
Scottish ambassador at the French court, " behaved
herself admirably well all the time of the baptism, and
showed so much earnestness to entertain all the goodly
company in the best manner, that this made her for-
get in a good measure her former ailments. But I am
of the mind that she will give us some trouble as yet ;
nor can I be brought to think otherwise so long as she
continues so pensive and melancholy. She sent for
me yesterday, and I found her laid on a bed weeping
sore, and she complained of a grievous pain in her
side."f
From the baptism of his son the king absented him-
self, although he was then living in the palace. The
causes of this strange conduct were no doubt to be
found in his sullen and jealous temper ; the coldness
between him and the queen, and the ill-disguised hos-
tility with which he was regarded by Both well, Moray,
and the ruling party at court, who were now busy la-
bouring for the recall of Morton, so recently Darnley's
associate in the murder of Riccio, but now his most
* Letter from De Croc to the Archbishop of Glasgow, Stirling, 23d De-
cember, 1566, Keith, p. vii. of his Prefatory matter.
t Keith, Preface, p. vii, De Croc to Beaton ; from the original in the
Scots College, Paris.
56 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566.
bitter enemy. De Croc the French ambassador, in
his letter to Bishop Beaton, describing the baptism,
observed that the king's conduct at this time was so
incurable, that no good could be expected of him. It
is of importance to mark his expressions. "The king,"
said he, " had still given out that he would depart two
days before the baptism, but when the time came on he
made no sign of removing at all, only he still kept close
within his own apartment. The very day of the bap-
tism he sent three several times, desiring me either to
come and see him or to appoint him an hour that he
might come to me in my lodgings. So that I found
myself obliged at last to signify to him, that seeing he
was in no good correspondence with the queen, I had
it in charge from the most Christian king, to have no
conference with him. And I caused tell him likewise,
that as it would not be very proper for him to come to
my lodgings, because there was such a crowd of com-
pany there, so he might know that there were two
passages to it ; and if he should enter by the one, I
should be constrained to go out by the other. His bad
deportment is incurable, nor can there be any good
expected from him for several reasons, which I might
tell you, was I present with you. I can't pretend to
foretell how all may turn, but I will say that matters
cannot subsist long as they are, without being accom-
panied with sundry bad consequences."*
It had long been evident that Mary's enmity to the
Earl of Morton and his associates, who had been
banished for the murder of Riccio, was much softened;
and soon after the baptism she consented to pardon
them at the earnest entreaty of Moray, Bothwell, and
* De Croc to Beaton, Stirling, December 23, 1566, quoted by Keith in
bit Prefatory matter, p. vii.
1566-7. MARY. 57
their associates.* She excepted, indeed, from this act
of mercy two marked delinquents, George Douglas,
who had stabbed Riccio over her shoulder, and Andrew
Car of Faudonside, who had presented a pistol to her
breast ; but Morton, Lindsay, Ruthven, and seventy-
six other persons were pardoned ; and so highly did
the king resent and dread their return, that he abruptly
left the court and took up his residence with his father
Lennox, at Glasgow. Soon after this he was seized
with a disease which threw out pustules over his body ;
and a report arose that he had been poisoned. The
rumour cannot excite wonder when we recollect the
bond for the murder of the unhappy prince, which had
been entered into at Craigmillar, and which its authors,
who occupied the chief places about the queen, only
awaited a safe opportunity to execute. But in the
present case rumour spoke false, for the disease proved
to be the small pox, and the queen immediately de-
spatched her own physician to attend him.-f- It was
impossible, however, that he should receive much sym-
pathy either from Mary or her ministers. His actions
lately had been marked by continued perversity and
weakness. Whilst the queen had been exerting her-
self for some months to reconcile her nobles, to secure
the amity of England, and, by a judicious extension of
mercy to Morton and his friends, to restore tranquillity
and peace to the country, Darnley appears to have been
occupied with perpetual intrigues and plots. Not con-
tented with his secret correspondence with Rome, and
the Roman Catholics in England, he was reported to
entertain a project for crowning the young prince and
seizing the government ; and he exhibited, with his
* Bedford to Cecil, original, State-paper Office, December 30, 156'6.
t MS. Letter State-paper Office, Bedford to Cecil, January 9, 1566, f. e.
1566-7.
53 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
father Lennox, a fixed resolution to thwart all the
measures of the queen, and give her perpetual vexa-
tion and alarm.* In all these enterprises there was
so much inconsistency and jealousy so evident an in-
ability to carry any plot into successful execution, and
yet such a perverse desire to create mischief that the
queen, in addressing her ambassador in France at this
moment, expressed herself towards him with much
severity. " As for the king our husband," said she,
" God knows always our part towards him ; and his
behaviour and thankfulness to us is equally well known
to God and the world, especially our own indifferent
subjects see it, and in their hearts we doubt not con-
demn the same. Always we perceive him occupied,
and busy enough to have inquisition of our doings ;
which, God willing, shall always be such as none shall
have occasion to be offended with them, or to report of
us any ways but honourably, however he, his father,
and their fautors speak, which we know want no good
will to make us have ado, if their power were equiva-
lent to their minds. But God moderates their forces
well enough, and takes the means of the execution of
their pretences from them : for, as we believe, they
shall find none or very few approvers of their councils
and devices imagined to our displeasure and mislik-
ing"t
When this letter was written, the king, as we have
seen, lay at Glasgow; J and, much about the same time,
* Examination of William Rogers, original, State-paper Office, 16th Jan.
1566-7. Keith, p. 348, quoting Knox in note 6. Also Mary's letter to
Beaton, January 20, 1566-7, in Keith's Prefatory matter, p. viii.
+ Mary to Bishop Beaton, 20th January, ut supra, Keith, p. viii. Preface.
J Bedford to Cecil, Berwick, original, State-paper Office, 9th January,
1566-7. " The estate of all things there [Scotland] is as it was wont to be,
and the agreement between the queen and her husband nothing amended,
as you shall hear further when I come. The king is now at Glasgow with
his father, and there lyeth full of the small pocks, to whom the queen hath
sent her physician."
1566-7. MARY. 59
an incident occurred at Berwick, which appears to me to
connect itself with the conspiracy to which he soon after
fell a victim. In Mary's service there were two Italians,
Joseph Riccio and Joseph Lutyni. Joseph Biccio was
brother to the unhappy secretary David. He had ar-
rived in Scotland soon after his brother's murder, and
had been promoted by Mary to the office which it left
vacant.* All that we know regarding him is, that the
queen treated him with favour ; and Lennox, after the
assassination of his son the king, publicly named him
as one of the murderers. Of Lutyni we know nothing,
except that he was a gentleman in the queen's house-
hold, and an intimate friend of Joseph Riccio. This
Lutyni, Mary now sent on a mission to France, (sixth
January, 1566-7 ;) but he had only reached Berwick,
when she despatched urgent letters, directing that he
should be instantly apprehended, and brought back to
Scotland, as he was a thief, and had absconded with
money. -f- Sir William Drury marshal of Berwick, to
whom these letters were addressed, on examining him,
appears to have found upon his person, or someway to
have got possession of, a letter written to him by his
friend Joseph Riccio ; and its contents convinced
Drury that the Scottish queen dreaded the disclosure
of some important secret of which Lutyni had possess-
ed himself. Alluding to Mary's letter, and the dis-
crepancy between the slight reasons assigned for his
apprehension and her great anxiety to have him again
in her hands, Drury observed to Cecil, " And there-
fore giveth me to think, by that I can gather as well
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, April 25, 1666.
f- Lutyni's passport is dated 6th January, 1566-7, contemporary copy from
original, State-paper Office, sent by Drury to Cecil, referred to in a MS. Let-
ter, State-paper Office, B.C., dated January 23, 1566, t. . 1566-7. He was
ordered to be arrested by a letter from Mary, dated January 17, 1566-7.
Transcript from original, State-paper Office, and copy of passport.
60 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
of the matter as of the gentleman, that it is not it
[the money] that the queen seeketh so much, as to
recover his person ; for I have learned the man had
credit there, and now the queen mistrusteth lest he
should offer his service here in England and thereby
might, with better occasion, utter something either
prejudicial to her, or that she would be loath should
be disclosed but to those she pleaseth." *
Riccio's letter was certainly fitted to rouse these
suspicions. He told Lutyni, that they were both ve-
hemently blamed, that they were accused of acting a
double part, and that Lutyni in particular was railed
at as having been prying into the queen's private pa-
pers ; and he implored him when examined on his return,
as he valued his own safety and his friend's life, to
adhere to a certain story, which he (Riccio) had already
told the queen. On interrogating Lutyni, Drury found
him in the greatest alarm, affirming, that if he were
sent back to Scotland, it would be to "a prepared
death. "} Upon this he consulted Cecil, and received
orders not to deliver him up, but to detain him at
Berwick. The whole circumstances are exceedingly
obscure ; but it appears to me certain, from Riccio's
letter, that Lutyni had become acquainted through
him with some secret, the betrayal of which was a
matter of life or death ; that Mary suspected that he
had stolen or read some of her private papers ; that she
had determined to examine him herself upon this point;
and that everything depended on his deceiving the
queen on his return, by adhering to the tale which had
been already told her. In what other way are we to
understand these expressions of Riccio to Lutyni ?
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 23d January,
1566-7, Berwick,
t MS. Letter State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Feb. 7, 1566-7.
1566-7. MARY. 61
* * Se voi dite cosi come vi mando sarete scusato, e
io ancora. La Regina vi manda ci pigliare per parlar
con voi, pigliate guardia a voi che voi la cognoscete
pigliate guardia che non v^abuzzi delle sue parole come
voi sapete bene ; e ni'ha detto che vuol parlare a voi
in segreto e pigliate guardia delli dire come vi ho scritto,
e non altramente, a fin che nostra parola si confront!
Tuna a Taltra, e ne voi ne io non saremo in pena nes-
suna, * * e vi prego di aver pieta di me, e non voler
esser causa della mia morte. * When it is considered
that at this moment Bothwell, Lethington, and their
accomplices, had resolved on the king's death ; when
we recollect the conference at Craigmillar, in which
they had hinted their intentions to the queen, and had
been commanded by her to do nothing that would
touch her honour; when we know that Bothwell, who
was at this time in the highest favour with Mary, was
the custodiar also of the written bond for the murder
of Darnley, there appears to me to be a presumption
that Joseph Riccio, who must have hated the king as
the principal assassin of his brother, had joined the
plot ; that his terrors arose out of his having revealed
to Lutyni the conspiracy for Darnley's murder, and
that the queen, suspecting it, had resolved to secure
his person. This, however, is only presumption, and
the letter might relate to some other state secret. But
we shall again meet with Lutyni and Riccio : and
meanwhile I proceed to those dreadful scenes which so
soon followed the baptism of the prince and the pardon
of the Earl of Morton.
When this nobleman returned in the 'beginning of
January, 1566-7, from his banishment in England,
* See the whole Letter in Proofs and Illustrations, No. III. It is in the
State-paper Office. Endorsed in Cecil's own hand, " Joseph Riccio, Queen
of Scots' servant."
62 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 1566-7-
Darnley still lay in a weakly state of health at Glasgow.
On his road to Edinburgh, Morton took up his resi-
dence at Whittingham, the seat of Archibald Douglas,
his near relative, and soon after was joined there by the
Earl of Bothwell and Secretary Lethington. * The
object of this visit was immediately explained by Both-
well, who, in the presence of Archibald Douglas, ac-
quainted Morton with their determination to murder
the king; and added, as an inducement for him to join
the plot, that the queen had consented to his death.
The atrocious proposal was declined by Morton, not
influenced by any feelings of horror, which, from his
character, he was not likely to give way to, but on
other grounds. He was unwilling, he said, to meddle
with new troubles, when he had scarcely got rid of an
old offence, "f* Archibald Douglas then earnestly ex-
horted him to join the plot ; and Bothwell, in a second
interview, to which Lethington was admitted, reiterated
his arguments, and insisted that all was done at the
queen's desire. Bring me then, said Morton, the
queen's hand-writ for a warrant, and you shall have
my answer. Upon this Douglas accompanied Leth-
ington and Bothwell to Edinburgh, and soon after he
received an order from Lethington to return to Whit-
tingham, and tell Morton that the queen would receive
no speech of the matter appointed unto him . J Douglas
complaining of the brevity and obscurity of this mes-
sage, Lethington replied, that Morton would have no
difficulty in comprehending it ; and it appears to me
* Morton to Cecil from Berwick. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 10th
Jan. 1566-7. MS. Letter, B.C. Drary to Cecil, Jan. 23, 1566-7. Morton
arrived at Whittingham some time between the 9th and the 23d of January.
j- Morton's Confession in Bannatyne's Memorials, p. 317. Bannatyne
edition.
Morton's Confession before his death ; printed in Bannatyne's Memorials,
. 318. Archibald Douglas's letter to Queen Mary, April, 1568 ; printed
from the Harleian, by Robertson, Appendix, No. xlvii.
1566-7. MARY. 63
certain, that it related to the same subject already
talked of between them, the king's murder, and the
written warrant which Morton had required from the
queen.
These secret interviews and conversations took place
at Whittingham and Edinburgh in the latter part of
the month of January, and on the twenty-second of
the same month, Mary set out on a visit to the king at
Glasgow. Darnley was now partially recovered from
his late sickness, but he had received some private in-
telligence of the plots against him. He was aware of
the return of Morton, who regarded him as the cause
of all his late sufferings ; he knew, that amongst his
mortal enemies, who had never forgiven him his deser-
tion of them in the conspiracy against Riccio, were
some of the highest nobility who now enjoyed the
confidence of the queen. He had recently heard from
one of his servants, that Mary had spoken of him with
much severity, * and her visit, therefore, took him by
surprise. Under this feeling the king sent Crawford
one of his gentlemen to meet the queen, with a message,
excusing himself for not waiting upon her in person. -f-
He was still infirm, he said, and did not presume to
come to her until he knew her wishes, and was assured
of the removal of her displeasure. To this, Mary briefly
replied, that there was no medicine against fear ; and
passing forward to Glasgow, came into Darnley's bed-
chamber, when, after greeting and some indifferent talk,
the subjects which had estranged them from each other
were introduced. Darnley professed a deep repentance
for his errors, pleaded his youth, and the few friends
* Thomas Crawford's Deposition. MS. State-paper Office. Endorsed by
Cecil, but without date.
t Anderson, vol. iv. pp. 168, 169, and MS. State-paper Office. Thomas
Crawford's Deposition.
64 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
he now had, and declared to her his unalterable affec-
tion. Mary reminded him of his complaints and sus-
picions, spoke against his foolish plan of leaving the
kingdom, and recalled to his mind the " purpose of
Hiegate,"a name given to a plot which Darnley affirmed
he had discovered, and of which he was himself to be
the victim. The queen demanded who was his informer.
He replied the Laird of Minto, who had told him that
a letter was presented to her in Craigmillar, made by
her own device, and subscribed by certain others, who
desired her to sign it, which she refused. * Darnley
then added, that he would never think that she, who
was his own proper flesh, would do him any hurt ; and
if any others should do it, they should buy it dear,
unless they took him sleeping. He observed, however,
that he suspected none; and only entreated her to bear
him company, and not, as she was wont, to withdraw
herself from him. Mary then told him, that as he was
still little able to travel, she had brought a litter with
her to carry him to Craigmillar, and he declared his
readiness to accompany her, if she would consent that
they should again live together at bed and board. She
promised it should be as he had spoken, and gave him
her hand; but added, that before this, he must be
thoroughly cleansed of his sickness, which she trusted
he shortly would be, as she intended to give him the
bath at Craigmillar. The queen also requested him
to conceal the promises which had now passed between
them, as the suddenness of their agreement might give
umbrage to some of the lords ; to which he replied,
that he could see no reason why they should mislike it.
When Mary left him, Darnley called Crawford to
him, and informing him fully of all that had passed at the
* "CrawfonTs Deposition, ut supra.
1566-7. MARY. 65
interview, bade him communicate it to his father the
Earl of Lennox. He then asked him what he thought
of the queen's taking him to Craigmillar? She treats
your majesty, said Crawford, too like a prisoner. Why
should you not be taken to one of your own houses in
Edinburgh? It struck me much the same way, answered
Darnley; and I have fears enough, but may God judge
between us, I have her promise only to trust to ; but
I have put myself in her hands, and I shall go with
her, though she should murder me. * It is from Craw-
ford's evidence, taken on oath, which was afterwards
produced, and still exists, endorsed by Cecil, that we
learn these minute particulars ; nor have I been able to
discover any sufficient ground to doubt its truth, j*
Soon after this interview, the queen carried her
husband, by slow journeys, from Glasgow to Edinburgh,
where she arrived on the last day of January.J It had
been at first intended, as we have seen, that Darnley
should have taken up his residence at Craigmillar, but
this purpose was changed ; and as the palace of Holy-
rood was judged from its low situation to be unhealthy,
and little fitted for an invalid, the king was brought
to a suburb called the Kirk of Field, a more remote
and airy site, occupied by the town residence of the
Duke of Chastelherault, and other buildings and gar-
dens. On their arrival here, the royal attendants were
about to proceed to the duke's lodging as it was called,
* MS. State-paper Office. Thomas Crawford's Deposition. Crawford,
a gentleman of the Earl of Lennox, was examined on oath before the com-
missioners at York, December 9, 1568, and then produced a paper which he
had written immediately after the conversations between himself, and the
queen and king. Wherein he did write what had taken place as nearly word
for word as his memory would serve him. Anderson, vol. iv. p. 169. This
paper is the Deposition, endorsed by Cecil, from which I have taken the
narrative in the text.
f Cecil's Diary. Anderson, vol. ii. p. 271.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil, Jan. 26, 1566-7.
Cecil's Diary. Anderson, vol. ii. p. 272.
66 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
but on alighting, Mary informed them, that the king's
apartments were to be in an adjoining house, which
stood beside the town wall, not far from a ruinous
Dominican Monastery, called the Black Friars.* To
this place she led Darnley, and making every allowance
for the rudeness of the domestic accommodations of these
times, it appears to have been an insecure and confined
mansion. "f Its proprietor was Robert Balfour, a
brother of that Sir James Balfour, whom we have
already known as the deviser of the bond for the mur-
der which was drawn up at Craigmillar, and then a
dependant of BothwelPs. This earl, whose influence
was now nearly supreme at court, had recently returned
from Liddesdale ; and when he understood that Mary
and the king were on their road from Glasgow, he met
them with his attendants, a short way from the capital,
and accompanied the party to the Kirk of Field. J
At this moment the reconciliation between the queen
and her husband seemed to be complete. She assidu-
ously superintended every little detail which could add
to his comfort. She treated him not only with at-
tention but tenderness, passed much of the day in his
society, and had a chamber prepared for herself imme-
diately below his, where she slept. The king was
partially reassured by these marks of affection. He
knew that plots had been entertained against his life,
and, as we have seen, suspected many of the nobles
to be his enemies. Yet he trusted to the promises of
the queen, and, no doubt, believed that if she remained
beside him, they would find it impossible to accomplish
* Evidence of Thomas Nelson. Anderson, vol. iv. p. 165.
\- See a minute description of it in the Deposition of Nelson, printed in
Anderson. Vol. iv. p. 165.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Scrope to Cecil, Jan. 28, 1566-Z-
Carlisle.
Nelson's Evidence. Anderson, vol. iv. p. 166.
1566-7. MARY. 67
their cruel purpose. But when he indulged these
hopes, the miserable prince was on the very brink of
destruction.
Since their recent meeting at Whittingham, Both-
well, Morton, Lethington, and Sir James Balfour, had
fully determined on the murder. The Earls of Hunt-
ley, Argyle, and Caithness, Archibald Douglas, with
the Archbishop of St Andrew's, and many others of
the leading lords and legal officers in the country had
joined the conspiracy ; and some who did not choose
directly to share in the plot, deemed it dangerous or
impolitic to reveal it. Of this neutral sort, the greatest
was Moray, whom, from the evidence that yet remains,
it is impossible to believe ignorant of the resolutions
of his friends, but whose superior sagacity enabled him
to avoid any direct connexion with the atrocious design
which they now hurried on to its accomplishment.
On Sunday the ninth of February, Bastian, a fo-
reigner belonging to the household of the queen, was
to be married at Holyrood. The bride was one of her
favourite women, and Mary, to honour their union,
had promised them a masque. The greatest part of
that day she passed with the king. They appeared
to be on the most affectionate terms, and she declared
her intention of remaining all night at the Kirk of
Field. It was at this moment, when Darnley and
the queen were engaged in conversation, that Hay of
Tallo, Hepburn of Bolton, and other ruffians whom
Bothwell had hired for the purpose, secretly entered
the chamber which was under the king's, and depo-
sited on the floor a large quantity of gunpowder in
bags. They then laid a train, which was connected
with a " hint," or slow match, and placed everything
in readiness for its being lighted. Some of them now
68 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7
hurried away, but two of the conspirators remained on
the watch ; and in the meantime Mary, who still sat
with her husband in the upper chamber, recollected
her promise of giving the masque at Bastian's wedding,
and taking farewell of Darnley, embraced him and left
the house with her suite.*
Soon after, the king retired to his bed-chamber.
Since his illness there appeared to have been a great
change in him. He had become more thoughtful, and
thought had brought with it repentance of his former
courses. He lamented there were few near him whom
he could trust, and at times he would say, that he knew
he should be slain, complaining that he was hardly
dealt with ; but from these sorrows he had sought re-
fuge in religion, and it was remarked, that on this night,
his last in this world, he had repeated the 55th Psalm,
which he would often read and sing.-f* After his de-
votion, he went to bed and fell asleep, Taylor, his page,
being beside him in the same apartment. This was
the moment seized by the murderers, who still lurked
in the lower room, to complete their dreadful purpose;
but their miserable victim was awakened by the noise of
their false keys in the lock of his apartment, and, rush-
ing down in his shirt and pelisse, endeavoured to make
his escape, but he was intercepted and strangled after
a desperate resistance, his cries for mercy being heard
by some women in the nearest house ; the page was
also strangled; and their bodies were carried into a small
orchard, without the garden wall, where they were found,
the king in his shirt only, and the pelisse by his side. J
* Nelson's Evidence. Anderson, vol. iv. p. 167.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drary to Cecil, about 18th April,
1567.
J See the Account of M. de Moret. Appendix, No. IV. MS. Letter,
State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil. Feb. 12, 1566-7. Ibid. Same to
came, about 18th April, 1567.
1566-7. MARY. 69
Amid the conflicting stories of the ruffians who
were executed, it is difficult to arrive at the whole
truth. But no doubt rests on the part acted by Both-
well, the arch-conspirator. He had quitted the king's
apartments with the queen, and joined the festivities
in the palace, from which about midnight he stole
away, changed his rich dress, and rejoined the mur-
derers who waited for him at the Kirk of Field. His
arrival was the signal to complete their purpose : the
match was lighted, but burnt too slow for their breath-
less impatience ; and they were stealing forward to
examine it, when it took effect. A loud noise, like the
bursting of a thunder cloud, awoke the sleeping city ;
the king's house was torn in 'pieces and cast into the
air; and the assassins, hurrying from the spot, under
cover of the darkness regained the palace. Here
Bothwell had scarcely undressed and gone to bed, when
the cry arose in the city, that the Kirk of Field had
been blown up, and the king murdered. The news
flew quickly to Holyrood, and a servant rushing into
his chamber imparted the dreadful tidings. He started
up in well-feigned astonishment, and shouted " Trea-
son ! " He was joined next moment by Huntley, a
brother conspirator ; and immediately these two noble-
men, with others belonging to the court, entered the
queen's apartments, when Mary was made acquainted
with the dreadful fate of her husband.* She was
horror-struck, shut herself up in her bed-chamber, and
seemed overwhelmed with sorrow.-f-
The murder had been committed on Monday, about
two in the morning, and when day broke, multitudes
* Declaration of William Pourie. Anderson, vol. ii. p. 170.
f* Examinations and Depositions of William Pourie, George Dalgleish,
John Hay, younger of Tallo, and John Hepburn of Bolton, concerning the
murder of the king. Anderson, vol. ii. pp. 165, 192, inclusive.
VOL. VII. K
70 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
crowded to examine the Kirk of Field. Any length-
ened scrutiny, however, was not permitted; for Both-
well soon repaired to the spot with a guard, and the
king's body was carried to a neighbouring house, where
it lay till it was produced before the privy-council. In
the brief interval, however, it had been noted that the
bodies, both of Darnley and of his page, were unscathed
by fire or powder, and that no blood wound appeared
on either.*
This gave rise to innumerable contradictory reports
and conjectures; but all agreed, that instant inquiry
promised the only hope of discovery; and men watched
with intense interest the conduct of the queen and her
ministers. Two days, however, elapsed before any
step was taken, -f- but. on the Wednesday after the
murder, a proclamation offered two thousand pounds
reward, to any who would come forward with informa-
tion ; and scarce was this made public, when a paper
was fixed during the night, on the door of the Tolbooth,
or common prison. It denounced the Earl of Bothwell,
Mr James Balfour, and David Chambers, as guilty of
the king's slaughter. Voices, too, were heard in the
streets at dead of night, arraigning the same persons ;
and as the fate of the king had excited the deepest
indignation in the people, Mary's friends looked with
the utmost anxiety to the conduct she should pursue.
To their mortification, it was anything but satisfactory.
Instead of acting with that spirit, promptitude, and
vigour which she had so recently exhibited under the
most trying emergencies, she betrayed a deplorable
apathy and remissness. After keeping her chamber
for some days, she removed to the seat of Lord Seaton,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Feb. 11, 1566-7. Enclosure by
Drury to Cecil.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil, Feb. 12, 1566-7.
1566-7. MARY 71
at a short distance from the capital, accompanied by
Bothwell, Argyle, Huntley, the Archbishop of St
Andrew's, and Secretary Lethington.* On the pre-
ceding day, Darnley had been buried in the chapel
of Holyrood, but with great privacy. None of the
nobility attended the ceremony ; and it was remarked
that, of the officers of state, the Justice-clerk Bellenden
was alone present.
Meantime, whilst the queen was at Seaton, placards
accusing Bothwell were openly exposed in the capital.
The first of these appeared on the seventeenth, another
repeated the denunciation on the nineteenth, and on
the succeeding day, the Earl of Lennox, father to the
murdered king, commenced a correspondence with the
queen, in which he implored her to apprehend the sus-
pected persons, and to lose no time in investigating
the circumstances of his son's slaughter.-f- She replied
that the placards contradicted each other, and that she
was at a loss on which to proceed. He returned for
answer, that the names of the persons suspected, were
notorious to the world, and marvelled they should have
been kept from her majesty's ears; but to prevent all
mistakes, he should repeat them : the Earl Bothwell,
Mr James Balfour, Mr David Chambers, and black
Mr John Spens were denounced, he said, in the first
placard ; in the second, Signor Francis, Bastian, John
de Bordeaux, and Joseph, David's brother; and he
finally besought the queen in the most earnest and
touching terms, to take order for their immediate ap-
prehension. But he besought her in vain. J At the
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, Berwick, February 17,
1566, i. e. 1566-7.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil, Feb. 19, 1566-7,
Berwick. Also Ibid, same to same, Berwick, Feb. 28, 1566-7. Cabala, p.
126. Norris to Cecil. Anderson's Collections, vol. i. p. 40.
J Anderson, vol. i. pp. 40, 44, 47, 48. Also Enclosure in MS. Letter,
B.C. State-paper Office. Forster to Cecil, 28th February, 1566-7.
72 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
moment he was writing, Bothwell continued in high
favour, and enjoyed the most familiar intercourse with
Mary. Although the reports of his guilt as the prin-
cipal assassin became daily stronger ; nay, as if to
convince Lennox, that all remonstrances would be in-
efficacious, Sir James Balfour, the very man who was
named as his fellow-murderer, was suffered to be at
large.
It was at this time that Lutyni the Italian, Joseph
Riccio^s companion, was sent back by Drury to the
Queen of Scots. Riccio himself, as we have just seen,
had been accused as one of the murderers of the king;
but that Lutynfs secret, of which Riccio so much
dreaded the discovery, related to the plot, can only be
conjectured. On his arrival, the queen did not see
him, (it was scarce a week after Darnley's death,) but
directed that he should be examined by Bothwell. This
baron was apparently satisfied with the reasons which
he gave for his flight, and after a courteous interview,
permitted him to return to Berwick. The queen, at
the same time, sent him a present of thirty crowns ;
and he soon after left the country, expressing the ut-
most satisfaction at his escape.*
Had the queen entertained any serious idea of dis-
covering the perpetrators of the murder, the steps to
be pursued were neither dubious nor intricate. If she
was afraid to seize the higher delinquents, it was, at
least, no difficult matter to have apprehended and ex-
amined the persons who had provided the lodging in
which the king was slain. The owner of the house,
* Whether guilty or no, Lutyni had been so well tutored by his friend,
that no suspicion was raised. It is evident, however, that fears were felt
for him, as Drury had procured a promise from Mary and Lethington, that
he should be dismissed in safety ; and sent a gentleman of the garrison with
him, to see that it was fulfilled. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to
Cecil, B.C., Feb. 19, 15G6-7. Same to same, B.C., Feb. 28, 1566-7.
1566-7. MARY. 73
Robert Balfour, was well known; her own servants
who had been intrusted with the keys, and the king's
domestics who had absented themselves before the ex-
plosion, or were preserved from its effects, were still
on the spot, and might have been arrested and brought
before the privy-council. * But nothing of this kind
took place; and in this interval of delay and apparent
indecision, many persons from whom information might
have been elicited, and some who were actually accused,
took the opportunity of leaving the country. On the
nineteenth of February, only nine days after the ex-
plosion, Sir W. Drury addressed an interesting letter
to Cecil from Berwick, in which he mentioned that
Dolu the queen's treasurer, had arrived in that town
with eight others, amongst whom was Bastian, one of
those denounced in the placards. Francis the Italian
steward, the same person whose name had been also
publicly posted up as engaged in the murder, was ex-
pected, he added, to pass that way within a few days,
and other Frenchmen had left Scotland by sea.'f'
In the midst of these events, the Earl of Bothwell
continued to have the chief direction of affairs, and to
share with Lethington, Argyle, and Huntley, the con-
fidence of the queen. The Earls of Moray and Morton,
who were absent from the capital at the time of the
murder, showed no disposition to return ; and Lennox,
when requested by Mary to repair to court, dismissed
her messenger without an answer, j
Meanwhile, rumour was busy, and some particulars
were talked of amongst the people, which, if any real
solicitude on the subject had existed, might have still
* Laing, p. 52.
t State-paper Office, B.C., Berwick, Drury to Cecil, Feb. 19, 1566-7.
Ibid. Drury to Cecil, Berwick, Feb. 19, 1566-7.
J Ibid. Same to same, Feb. 19, 1566-7.
74 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1566-7.
given a clue to trace the assassins. A smith was spoken
of in a bill fastened on the Tron,* who had furnished
the false keys to the king's apartment, and who, on
due security, promised to come forward and point out
his employers.^ A person was said to be discovered
in Edinburgh, from whom Sir James Balfour had pur-
chased a large quantity of powder; and other placards
and drawings appeared, in which the queen herself and
Bothwell were plainly pointed at. But the only effect
produced by such intimations, was to rouse this daring
man to a passionate declaration of vengeance. Accom-
panied by fifty guards, he rode to the capital from
Seton, and with furious oaths and gestures declared
publicly, that if he knew who were the authors of the
bills or drawings, he would " wash his hands in their
blood, j" It was remarked, that as he passed through
the streets, his followers kept a jealous watch, and
crowded round him as if they apprehended an attack,
whilst he himself spoke to no one, of whom he was not
assured, without his hand on the hilt of his dagger.
His deportment and fierce looks were much noted by
the people, who began, at the same time to express
themselves openly and bitterly against the queen.
It was observed that Captain Cullen and his company
were the guards nearest her person, and he was well
known to be a sworn follower of Bothwell's ; it was
remarked, that whilst all inquiry into the murder
appeared to be forgotten, an active investigation took
place as to the authors of the placards ; [| and minuter
circumstances were noted, which seemed to argue a
* A post in the public market, where goods were weighed.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Feb. 28, 1566-7.
Ibid. Berwick.
MS. Letter, Drury to Cecil, Feb. 28, 1566-7.
U Keith, p. 374.
1566-7. MARY. 75
light and indifferent behaviour, at a time when her
manner should have been especially circumspect and
guarded. It did not escape attention, that scarce two
weeks after her husband's death, whilst in the country
and in the city all were still shocked at the late occur-
rences, and felt them as a stain on their national char-
acter, the court at Seton was occupied in gay amuse-
ments. Mary and Bothwell would shoot at the butts
against Huntley and Seton ; and, on one occasion, after
winning the match, they forced these lords to pay the
forfeit in the shape of a dinner at Tranent. * On the
evening of the day in which the earl had exhibited so
much fury in the streets of the capital, two more
placards were hung up : on the one were written the
initials, M. R., with a hand holding a sword ; on the
other, Bothwell's initials, with a mallet painted above,
an obscure allusion to the only wound found upon the
unhappy prince, which appeared to have been given by
a blunt instrument.
These symptoms of suspicion and dissatisfaction were
not confined to the people. Movements began to be
talked of amongst the nobles. It was reported that
Moray and some friends had held a meeting at Dun-
keld, where they were joined by Caithness, Athole,
and Morton ;-f- and as this nobleman had absented him-
self from court, and kept aloof amongst his dependants,
the queen became at length convinced that something
must be done to prevent a coalition against her, and
to satisfy the people that she was determined to insti-
tute a public inquiry into the murder.
To this, indeed, she had been urged in the most
solemn and earnest terms by Bishop Beaton, her am-
bassador at Paris. The day after Darnley's death, she
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, Feb. 28.
1566-7. tlbid.
76 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 1566-7.
had written to this prelate, giving a brief description
of the late dreadful events, and lamenting that his
affectionate warning, to beware of some sudden danger,
had arrived too late. In his answer he had implored
her to lose no time in prosecuting its authors, and
vindicating herself in the eyes of the world. He had
even gone so far as to repeat the common opinion then
current in France, that she was herself the principal
cause of the king^s death, and that nothing had been
done without her consent. His expressions upon this
point were very remarkable. " Of this deed, if I should
write all that is spoken here, and also in England, of
the miserable estate of [the] realm by the dishonour
of the nobility, mistrust and treason of your whole
subjects, yea, that yourself is greatly and wrongously
calumniated to be the motive principal of the whole,
and all done by your command, I can conclude nothing
besides that which your majesty writes to me yourself,
that since it hath pleased God to preserve you to take
a rigorous vengeance thereof, that rather than it be not
actually taken, it appears to me better, in this world,
that you had lost life and all. * * * Here it is needful
that you show forth now, rather than ever before, the
great virtue, magnanimity, and constancy, which God
has granted you ; by whose grace I hope you shall
overcome this most heavy envy and displeasure of the
committing thereof, and preserve that reputation in all
godliness which you have acquired long since ; which
can appear no ways more clearly than that you do such
jusfice as the whole world may declare your innocence,
and give testimony for ever of their treason that have
committed, without fear of God or man, so cruel and
ungodly a murder."*
* Keith, Preface, p. ix. Extract from the original in the Scottish College,
Paris.
1566-7. MARY. 77
This honest letter was written on the eighth of
o
March, about a month after the king's murder; and on
the same day Mary received a message of condolence
and advice from Elizabeth. It was brought by Sir
Henry Killigrew, who, on his arrival, after dining
with Bothwell, Morton, Lethington, and Argyle, (all
of them, as was afterwards proved, participated in this
cruel deed,) was admitted to the queen. To see her
face was impossible, for the chamber was dark, but, by
her voice and manner, she seemed in profound grief;
and not only assured the envoy of her desire to satisfy
the Queen of England's wishes regarding the treaty of
Leith and the matters of the Borders, but promised
him that the Earl of Bothwell should be brought to a
public trial.*
During his stay in the capital, which lasted but a
few days, Killigrew found the people clamorous for
inquiry into the assassination, which they regarded as
a shame to the whole nation; whilst the preachers
solemnly exhorted all men to prayer and repentance,
and in their pulpits appealed to God, that he would be
pleased " to reveal and revenge. "*f Scarce, however,
had this envoy departed, when the queen seemed to
have forgotten her good resolutions ; and, infatuated in
her predilection for Bothwell, admitted him to greater
power and favour than ever. The Earl of Mar was
induced to give up the castle of Edinburgh, and it was
given to Bothwell. Morton, after a secret and mid-
night interview with his royal mistress, received the
castle of Tantallon and other lands which he had for-
feited by his rebellion ; and it was remarked, that in
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Cecil, 8th March, 1566-7.
Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C.. 30th March, 1567, Drury to
Cecil, Berwick.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Cecil, ut supra.
78 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3566-7.
return for this, his whole power and interest were as-
sured to Bothwell. The castle of Blackness, the Inch,
and the superiority of Leith, were conferred on the
same favourite ; and so completely did he rule every-
thing at court, that Moray, although he judged it
prudent to keep on friendly terms, became disgusted
with the inferior part he now acted, and requested per-
mission to leave the kingdom. *
In the midst of these transactions, it was observed
that the queen was wretched. She attended a solemn
dirge for the soul of her husband; and they who were
near her on this occasion, remarked a melancholy
change from her former health and beauty. Nor were
these feelings likely to be soothed by the letters which
she now received from France, in which the queen-
mother, and the cardinal her uncle, addressed her with
bitter reproaches, and declared, that if she failed to
avenge the death of the king their cousin, and to clear
herself from the imputations brought against her, they
would not only consider her as utterly disgraced, but
become her enemies. {
Urged by these repeated appeals, she at last resolved
that Bothwell should be brought to a public trial ; but
the circumstances which attended this tardy exhibition
of justice were little calculated to justify her in the
opinion of her people. He had now become so powerful
by the favour of the crown, and the many offices con-
ferred upon him, that it was evident, as long as he
remained at large and ruled everything at court, no
person dared be so hardy as accuse him. His trial
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., 17th March,
1566-7. Same to same, 14th March, 1566-7, B.C. Same to same, B.C.,
21st March, 1567. Same to same, 29th and 30th March, 1567, B.C. See
also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 4th April, 1567.
t Drury 's letter to Cecil, MS. Letter. State-paper Office. 29th March.
1567, B.C.
1567. MARY. 79
accordingly was little else than a mock ceremonial,
directed by himself, and completely overruled by his
creatures. The Earl of Lennox, who at an earlier
period had in vain implored the queen to investigate
the murder, and to collect, whilst it was attainable,
such evidence as might bring the guilt home to its
authors, now as earnestly and justly pleaded the neces-
sity of delay. He had been summoned to appear and
make good his accusation against Bothwell ; but he de-
clared that it was in vain to expect him to come singly,
opposed to a powerful adversary, who enjoyed the royal
favour, and commanded the town and the castle. He
conjured the queen to grant him some time, that he
might assemble his friends ; he observed, that when
the suspected persons were still at liberty, powerful at
court, and about her majesty's person, no fair trial
could take place ; and, when all was in vain, he applied
to Elizabeth, who wrote to Mary in the strongest
terms, and besought her, as she hoped to save herself
from the worst suspicions, to listen to so just a request.
It was forcibly urged by the English queen, that Len-
nox was well assured of a combination to acquit Both-
well, and to accomplish by force what could never be
attained by law ; and she advised her, in the manage-
ment of a cause which touched her so nearly, to use
that sincerity and prudence which might convince the
whole world that she was guiltless.*
It is not certain that the Scottish queen received
this letter in time to stay the proceedings, for it was
written only four days previous to the trial ; and the
Provost-marshal of Berwick, to whom its delivery was
intrusted, arrived at the capital early in the morning
of the twelfth of April, the very day on which the trial
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 4th April, 1567.
80 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
took place. The state in which he found the city soon
convinced him that his message would be fruitless.
When he entered the palace, the friends of the Earl
of Bothwell were assembled. They and their followers
mustered four thousand men, besides a guard of two
hundred hagbutters. This formidable force kept
possession of the streets, and filled the outer court of
the palace ; and as the castle was at his devotion, it
was evident that Bothwell completely commanded the
town.
It was scarcely to be expected that a messenger
whose errand was suspected to be a request for delay
should be welcome ; and although he announced him-
self to be bearer of a letter from Elizabeth, he was
rudely treated, reproached as an English villain, who
had come to stay the " assize,"* and assured that the
queen was too busy with the matters of the day, to
attend to other business. At that moment Bothwell
himself, with the Secretary Lethington, came out of
the palace, and the provost-marshal delivered the Queen
of England^ letters to the secretary, who, accompanied
by Bothwell, carried them to Mary. No answer, how-
ever, was brought back; and after a short interval, the
earl and the secretary again came out, and mounted
their horses, when he eagerly pressed forward for his
answer. Lethington then assured him that his royal
mistress was asleep, and could not receive the letter ;
but the excuse was hardly uttered, before it was proved
to be false, for at this moment, a servant of De Croc
the French ambassador, who stood beside the English
envoy, looking up, saw, and pointed out the queen and
Mary Fleming, wife of the secretary, standing at a
* The trial by a jury. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., 1.5th April,
1567, Berwick, Drury to Cecil. See Proofs and Illustrations, No. Y.
1567. MARY. 81
window of the palace ; nor did it escape their notice
that, as Bothwell rode past, Mary gave him a friendly
greeting for a farewell. The cavalcade then left the
court, and proceeded to the Tolbooth, where the trial
was to take place, BothwelPs hagbutters surrounding
the door, and permitting none to enter who were sus-
pected of being unfavourable to the accused.*
From the previous preparations, the result of such a
trial might have been anticipated with certainty. The
whole proceedings had already been arranged in a
council, held some little time before, in which Both-
well had taken his seat, and given directions regarding
his own arraignment. *f The jury consisted principally,
if not wholly, of the favourers of the earl ; the law
officers of the crown were either in his interest, or
overawed into silence ; no witnesses were summoned ;
the indictment was framed with a flaw too manifest to
be accidental; and his accuser the Earl of Lennox, who
was on his road to the city, surrounded by a large force
of his friends, had received an order not to enter the
town with more than six in his company. J All this
showed too manifestly what was intended; and Lennox,
as might have been anticipated, declined to come for-
ward in person. When summoned to make good his
accusation, a gentleman named Cunningham appeared,
and stated, that he had been sent by the earl his mas-
ter to reiterate the charge of murder, but to request
delay, as his friends, who had intended to have ac-
companied him, both for his honour and security, had
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, April 15, 1567, Berwick,
B.C. Also a fragment, MS. Letter. State-paper Office, undated, Drury to
Cecil, April, 1567.
f Anderson's Collections, vol. i. p. 50.
t Anderson, vol. ii. p. 98. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Forster
to Cecil, 15th April. 1S67. MS. Letter, Stat-paper Office. Drunr to CeciL
15th April, 1567;
82 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
changed their resolution.* On this being refused to
Lennox's envoy, he publicly protested against the
validity of any sentence of acquittal, and withdrew.
The jury were then chosen : the earl pleaded not guilty ;
and, in the absence of all evidence, a unanimous verdict
of acquittal was pronounced. Bothwell then by a pub-
lic cartel challenged any gentleman who should still
brand him with the murder. On hearing of this defi-
ance, Sir William Drury requested Cecil to intercede
with Elizabeth that he might be permitted to accept
it, professing himself absolutely convinced of the earl's
guilt ; and next day a paper was set up, declaring, that
if a day were fixed, a gentleman should appear but as
no name was given the matter dropped. -f
It was evident to all the world, that this famous trial
was collusive, nor could it well be otherwise : Argyle,
Morton, Huntley, and Lethington, were all more or
less participant in the king's murder, they were the
sworn and leagued friends of Bothwell, and they con-
ducted the whole proceedings. It has been argued by
Mary's advocates, that she was a passive instrument
in the hands of this faction, and could not, even if
willing, have insisted on a fair trial. But, however
anxious to lean to every presumption in favour of in-
nocence, I have discovered no proofs of this servitude;
and such imbecility appears to me inconsistent with
the vigour, decision, and courage, which were striking
features in her character.
The acquittal, although countenanced by the nobles,
was loudly reprobated by the common people ; and as
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir John Forster to Cecil, April
15, 1567, Alnwick. Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. p. 107.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, a fragment, Drury to Cecil, April, 1567.
Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. p. 158.
1567. MARY. 83
rumours began to rise of a divorce between Botliwell
and his countess, a sister of Huntley, their indignation
and disgust were strongly expressed. Even in the
public streets, and in the queen's presence, these feel-
ings betrayed themselves; and the market women, as
Mary passed, would cry out, " God preserve your
grace, if you are saikless* of the king's death."" It
was noted too, that this daring man had insulted the
general feeling by riding to his trial on Darnley's fa-
vourite horse ; it was reported to Drury that the queen
had sent him a token and message during the proceed-
ings ;[ and everything must have united to show Mary
that her late conduct was viewed with the utmost sor-
row and indignation. Yet, instead of opening her eyes
to the perils of her situation, she seems to have resigned
herself to the influence of one strong and engrossing
passion ; and her history at this moment hurried for-
ward with something so like an irresistible fatality, as
to make it currently reported amongst the people that
Bothwell was dealing in love philtres, and had em-
ployed the sorceries of his old paramour, the Lady
Buccleugh.
Immediately after the trial parliament assembled ;
and the queen, irritated, perhaps, at the open censures
of the city, declined the ancient custom of being guard-
ed by the magistrates and trained bands, preferring a
company of hagbutters. The acquittal of Bothwell
was then confirmed by the three Estates, the conduct
of the jury was approved of, the estates of Huntley and
his friends restored, a rigid inquiry instituted against
the authors of all bills in which Bothwell had been
* Saikless ; innocent.
t Drury to Cecil, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., 10th April, 1567.
and April 19, 1567. Also, April, 1567. No date of the day is given, but
the month is certain.
84 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567
accused ; and, as if to complete his triumph, Mary
now selected him to bear the crown and sceptre before
her when she rode to parliament.* It is worthy of
remark also, that in this same parliament the Roman
Catholic partialities of the queen seemed to be modified;
and it is by no means improbable, that, owing to the
influence of Bothwell, who was a Protestant, the re-
formed party were treated with greater favour than
before. Mary willingly agreed to abolish all laws
affecting the lives of her subjects, on the score of their
religion ; she passed an act securing a provision to the
poorer ministers ; and it is likely more would have
been granted if their Assembly had refrained from re-
commending a rigid inquiry into the king's murder,
which she resented and declined.*!*
So completely did she espouse the cause of her pro-
fligate favourite, that although all already dreaded his
power, he now received from her the lordship and castle
of D unbar, with an enlargement of his office of High-
admiral ; and it was evident that, by the favour of the
crown, and his " Bands'" with the greater nobles, he
had shot up to a strength which none would dare to
resist.]: Moray, from his power 'and popularity, was
the only man who could have opposed him, but he now
shunned the contest. We have already seen, that he
had abstained from implicating himself in the bond for
the king^s murder : the very day that preceded it he
had left the capital. Since that time he seldom attended
the meetings of the council ; and shortly previous to
the trial, with the queen's permission, he retired to
* Keith, p. 378.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Sir W. Kirkaldy to Bedford, April 20,
1567. Ibid. MS. Letter, same to same, 8th May, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., April 19, 1567;
also, same to same, April 27, 1567.
1567. MARY. 85
France.* The friends, indeed, with whom he had long
and intimately acted, Morton, Argyle, Huntley, Leth-
ington, and their associates, were all of them conspir-
ators in the king's death ; -f and they now appeared
firm adherents of Bothwell ; but, in the meantime, it
is certain, that for some time all open intercourse be-
tween them and Moray was suspended.
After his departure the events of every day exhibited
some new proofs of the infatuated predilection of the
queen. Happy had it been for this unfortunate prin-
cess, had she listened for a moment to the calm and
earnest advice of her ambassador, at the court of
France, when he implored her to punish her husband's
murderers, and warned her in such solemn terms, that
the eyes of Europe were fixed upon her conduct ; but
his letter appears to have made little impression : the
collusive trial of Bothwell gave a shock to her best
friends, and the extraordinary events which now ra-
pidly succeeded confirmed the worst suspicions of her
enemies.
On the evening of the day on which the parliament
rose, (April nineteenth,) Bothwell invited the principal
nobility to supper, in a tavern kept by a person named
Ansley. They sat drinking till a late hour ; and during
the entertainment a band of two hundred hagbutters
surrounded the house and overawed its inmates. J
The earl then rose and proposed his marriage with the
queen, affirming that he had gained her consent, and
even (it is said) producing her written warrant em-
powering him to propose the matter to her nobility.
*_MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, April 9 and 10,
1567.
t This was afterwards clearly established.
J Anderson, vol. iv. p. 60, Elizabeth's Commissioners to the Queen, llth
October, 1568, from Caligula, C. i. fol. 198.
VOL. VIL p
86 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
Of the guests some were his sworn friends, others were
terrified and irresolute ; and in the confusion one
nobleman, the Earl of Eglinton, contrived to make his
escape ; but the rest, both Papist and Protestant, were
overawed into compliance, and affixed their signatures
to a bond, in which they declared their conviction of
BothwelFs innocence, and recommended " this noble
and mighty lord", as a suitable husband for the queen,
whose continuance in solitary widowhood they declared
was injurious to the interests of the commonwealth.
The most influential persons who signed this disgrace-
ful instrument were the Earls of Morton, Argyle,
Huntley, Cassillis, Sutherland, Glencairn, Rothes, and
Caithness; and of the lords, Herries, Hume, Boyd,
Seton, and Sinclair.*
The perfection to which the system of paid informers
was now carried in Scotland, and the rapid communi-
cation of secret intelligence to England and the conti-
nent, have been already frequently remarked in the
course of this history ; but at no time did Elizabeth
possess more certain information than at the present.
She knew and watched with intense interest every step
taken by Mary ; her far-reaching and sagacious eye
had, it is probable, already detected the ruin of her
beautiful and envied rival, in that career of passion
upon which it was now too apparent to all that she
had entered ; and her ministers, Cecil and Bedford,
who managed the affairs of Scotland, availed themselves
with indefatigable assiduity of every possible source of
information. Nor did they want assistants in that
* Anderson, vol. i. p. 107, from a copy in the Cottonian Library, Caligula,
C. i. fol. 1. Keith, p. 381. There is a contemporary copy of the Bond in
the State-paper Office, it is dated April 19, 1567, and bears this endorsement
in Randolph's hand, " Upon this was grounded the accusation of the Earl
Morton."
1567. MARY. 87
country, where a party was now secretly organizing
for the protection of the prince and the government,
against the audacious designs of Bothwell.
Of this confederacy the most powerful at this moment
were Argyle, Athole, Morton, and Sir William Kir-
kaldy, or, as he was commonly called, the Laird of
Grange, a person of great influence, reputed the best
military leader in Scotland, intimately acquainted with
the politics of England and the continent, and, as we
have already seen, strongly attached to the Protestant
cause. The audacity and success of Bothwell naturally
roused such a man, and all who professed the same
principles; they justly believed, that he who had mur-
dered the father would have little scruple in removing
the son ; they were aware of the infamous Bond for
the queen's marriage, some of them indeed had signed
it; and they asserted that the unhappy princess, who
should have watched over the preservation of her child,
was no longer mistress of her own actions. To declare
themselves prematurely would have been ruin, consi-
dering the power of their opponent ; they therefore
secretly collected their strength, and gave warning to
their friends, but determined to take no open step till
they had consulted the wishes of Elizabeth.
For this purpose Grange addressed a letter to the
Earl of Bedford on the day after Ansley's supper. He
informed him of the miserable servitude of the nobles,
and the infatuation of the queen, but assured her in
strong terms, that even now, if Elizabeth would assist
him and his friends, the murder of their sovereign
should not long be unavenged. He enlarged on the
imminent danger of the prince, and predicted Mary's
speedy marriage to Bothwell, of whom he added, she
had become so shamelessly enamoured that she had
88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
been heard to say, " she cared not to lose France, Eng-
land, and her own country, for him, and shall go with
him to the world's end in a white petticoat, before she
leave him." He concluded his letter in these severe
words, " Whatever is unhonest reigns presently in our
court : God deliver them from their evil."*
This letter from Grange was soon after followed by
a still more remarkable anonymous communication.
Whilst Mary and Bothwell believed their secret plans
were safe, their confidential agents had betrayed them
to this informer, by whom instant intelligence was sent
to England, that the Countess of Bothwell, Huntley's
sister, was about to divorce the earl; and that the
queen had projected with her favourite, that seizure of
her person, in which she was to be carried with a show
of violence to Dunbar. The letter which was probably
.addressed to Cecil, is too remarkable to be omitted.
" This is to advertise you, that the Earl Bothwell's
wife is going to part with her husband ; and a great
part of our lords have subscribed the marriage between
the queen and him. The queen rode to Stirling this last
Monday and returns this Thursday. I doubt not but
you have heard how the Earl of Bothwell has gathered
many of his friends, and, as some say, to ride in Lid-
desdale, but I believe it is not, for he is minded to
meet the queen this day called Thursday, and to take
her by the way and bring her to Dunbar. Judge you
gif } it be with her will or no ? but you will hear at
more length on Friday or Saturday, if you will find
it good that I continue in writing as occasion serves.
I wald ye reif this J after the reading ; this bearer
knows nothing of this matter. There is no other thing
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Grange to Bedford, 20th April, 1567.
J- If. J " I would have you tear this."
1567. MARY. 89
presently to write of; but after all you will please re-
ceive my heartly commendations by him that is yours,
that took you by the hand. At midnight."*
The intelligence given in this letter proved true.
Mary, on Monday the 21st April, repaired to Stirling
to visit the prince her son, and was much offended with
the Earl of Mar, his governor, who, from some suspi-
cion which he entertained, refused to allow the queen
to enter the royal apartments with more than two of
her ladies. }* In the mean season Bothwell had as-
sembled his friends to the number of eight hundred
spears ; and meeting her at Almond Bridge, six miles
from Edinburgh, he suddenly surrounded her atten-
dants, and with a show of violence conducted her to
Dunbar, his own castle, which he had prepared for her
reception. J In the royal cavalcade thus surprised,
were Lethington, Huntley. Sir James Melvil, and
some others. The three last were carried prisoners
to Dunbar with the queen, the rest were suffered to
pursue their journey ; but when Melvil remonstrated
against such usage, he was informed by Captain Bla-
cater, a confidential servant of Bothwell, that all had
been done with the queen's own consent. And it
cannot be denied, that everything which now happened
seemed strongly to confirm this assertion.
On the twenty-sixth of April, only two days after
the event, Grange addressed this indignant letter to
Bedford :
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office ; this Letter, though undated, contains
internal proof that it -was written on Thursday, the 24th April, at midnight,
the day Bothwell carried off the queen to Dunhar. Cecil's Journal in An-
derson, vol. ii. p. 275. Keith, p. 383.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C. 27th April, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil, 27th April, 1567.
Ihid. same to same, B.C. 25th April, 1567. Ibid. B.C. same to same, 30th
April, 1567.
Melvil's Memoirs, p. 177. Bannatyne edit.
90 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
" This queen will never cease unto such time as she
have wrecked all the honest men of this realm. She
was minded to cause Bothwell ravish her,* to the end
that she may the sooner end the marriage whilk she
promised before she caused Bothwell murder her hus-
band. There is many that would revenge the murder,
but they fear your mistress. I am so suited to for to
enterprise the revenge, that I must either take it upon
hand, or else I man-f- leave the country, the whilk J
I am determined to do, if I can obtain licence ; but
Bothwell is minded to cut me off, if he may, ere I ob-
tain it, and is returned out of Stirling to Edinburgh.
She minds hereafter to take the prince out of the Earl
of Mar's hands, and put him in his hands that mur-
dered his father, as I writ in my last. I pray your
lordship let me know what your mistress will do, for
if we will seek France, we may find favour at their
hands, but I would rather persuade to lean to England.
This meikle in haste, from my house, the twenty-sixth
of April." ||
Mary was now swept forward by the current of a
blind and infatuated passion. A divorce between Both-
well and his countess, Lady Jane Gordon, was procured
with indecent haste ; and it was suspected that the re-
cent restoration of his consistorial rights to the Arch-
bishop of St Andrew's, had been made with this object.
The process was hurried through the court of that
prelate, and the commissariat or reformed court, in two
days. IT After a brief residence at Dunbar, under the
* Used here in the sense of forcibly to seize rapio.
t Must. I Which. Much.
|| MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Copy of the time, hacked in the hand-
writing of Cecil's clerk, " Copy of the Laird of Grange's letter to the Earl
of Bedford."
ff Keith, p. 383. Also, Original State-paper Office, B.C. Drury to Cecil
2d May, 1567.
1567. MARY. 91
roof of the man accused of the murder of her husband,
and the forcible seizure of her person, the queen and
Bothwell rode to the capital. * As she entered the
town, his followers cast away their spears, to save
themselves, as was conjectured, from any charge of
treason ; and their master, with apparent courtesy,
dismounting, took the queen's bridle, and led her into
the castle under a salvo of artillery, -f- It was a sight
which her friends beheld with the deepest sorrow, and
her enemies with triumph and derision.
A few days after this, Sir Robert Melvil, who had
joined the coalition for the revenge of the king's mur-
der and the delivery of the queen, wrote secretly to
Cecil. His object was to warn the English minister
that France was ready to join the lords against Both-
well, and to excuse, as far as he possibly could, the
unaccountable conduct of his mistress. They were
resolved, he said, never to consider their sovereign at
liberty so long as she remained in the company of that
traitor, who had committed so detestable a murder,
whatever he might persuade or compel her to say to
the contrary. " I understand,' 1 said he, " that the
nobility are of mind to suit assistance of the queen
your mistress, in consideration that the king, who is
with God, as well as the queen our sovereign, and the
prince her son, are so near of blood to her highness. I
believe easy help shall obtain the queen's liberty, and
in like manner have the murderers of the king punished.
Thus far I will make your honour privy of, that France
has offered to enter in band with the nobility of the
realm, and to enlist the company of men-at-arms, and
to give divers pensions to noblemen and gentlemen of
their realm, which some did like well ; but the honest
* On the 3d of May. -j- Anderson, voL ii. p. 276.
92 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
sort has concluded, and brought the rest to the same
effect, that they will do nothing which may offend your
sovereign, without the fault be in her majesty; and it
appears both Papist and Protestant join together with
an earnest affection for the weal of their country." * *
He then added, that Bothwell, as all thought, would
soon end the marriage, and pass to Stirling to seize the
prince. He entreated Cecil to consider the queen his
sovereign's conduct, as rather the effect of the evil
counsel of those about her, than proceeding from her-
self ; and lastly begged him to destroy his letter. *
Next day Grange wrote on the same subject to
Bedford, and in still more striking terms: "All such
things," said he, " as were done before the parliament,
I did write unto your lordship at large. * * At that
time the most part of the nobility, for fear of their
lives, did grant to sundry things both against their
honours and consciences, whosincehave convened them-
selves at Stirling, where they have made a 'band' to
defend [each] other in all things that shall concern the
glory of God and commonweal of their country. The
heads that presently they agreed upon is, first, to seek
the liberty of the queen, who is ravished and detained
by the Earl of Bothwell, who was the ravisher, and
hath the strengths, munitions, and men of war at his
commandment. The next head is the preservation and
keeping of the prince. The third is to pursue them
that murdered the king. For the pursuit of these three
heads, they have promised to bestow their lives, lands,
and goods. And to that effect their lordships have
desired me to write unto your lordship, to the end they
might have your sovereign's aid and support for sup-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Melril to Cecil, 7th May, 1567. Dated
Kerny in Fife.
1567. MARY. 93
pressing of the cruel murderer Bothwell, who, at the
queen's last being in Stirling, suborned certain to have
poisoned the prince ; for that barbarous tyrant is not
contented to have murdered the father, but he would
also cut off the son, for fear that he hath to be pun-
ished hereafter. The names of the lords that con-
vened in Stirling was the Earls of Argyle, Morton,
Athole, and Mar. Those forenamed, as said is, have
desired me to write unto your lordship to the end that
I might know by you, if your sovereign would give
them support concerning these three heads above writ-
ten. * * * Wherefore I beseech your lordship, who
I am assured loveth the quietness of these two realms,
to let me have a direct answer, and that with haste;
for presently the foresaid lords are suited unto by
Monsieur de Croc, who ofiereth unto them in his master
the King of France's name, if they will follow his advice
and counsel, that they shall have aid and support to
suppress the Earl Bothwell and his faction. * * *
Also he hath admonished her [Mary] to desist from
the Earl Bothwell, and not to marry him ; for if she
do, he hath assured her, that she shall neither have
friendship nor favour out of France, if she shall have
to do : * but his saying is, she will give no ear. * * *
"There is to be joined with the four forenamed lords,
the Earls of Glencairn, Cassillis, Eglinton, Montrose,
Caithness ; the Lords Boyd, Ochiltree, Ruthven,
Druminond, Gray, Glammis, Innermeith, Lindsay,
Hume, and Herries, with all the whole West Merse
and Teviotdale, the most part of Fife, Angus, and
Mearns. And for this effect the Earl of Argyle is
ridden in the west, the Earl of Athole to the north,
and the Earl of Morton to Fife, Angus, and Montrose.
* If she shall have to resist her enemies.
94) HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
The Earl of Mar remaineth still about the prince;
and if the queen will pursue him, the whole lords
have promised, upon their faiths and honour, to re-
lieve him. * * *
" In this meantime the queen is come to the castle
of Edinburgh, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, where
she intendeth to remain until she have levied some
forces of footmen and horsemen, that is, she minds to
levy 500 footmen, and 200- horsemen. The money that
she hath presently to do this, which is five thousand
crowns, came from the font your lordship brought unto
the baptism; the rest is to be reft and borrowed of
Edinburgh, or the men of Lothian. * * *
"It will please your lordship also to haste these other
letters to my Lord of Moray, and write unto him to
come back again into Normandy, that he may be in
readiness against my lords write unto him."*
These important letters of Melvil and Kirkaldy,
hitherto quite unknown, establish some new facts in
this portion of our history. We see clearly from them
that the formidable coalition against the queen, which
our historians describe as arising after the marriage
vrith Bothwell, was fully formed nearly a month before
that event ; that its ramifications were extensive and
deep ; that Sir Robert Melvil, in whom the Scottish
queen reposed implicit confidence, had joined the con-
federacy, in the hope of rescuing his royal mistress
from what he represents as an unwilling servitude ; that
the plot was well known to Monsieur de Croc the French
ambassador, who, after having in vain remonstrated
with Mary against her predilection for Bothwell, gave
it his cordial support; and lastly, that it had been
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, 8th May, 1567, Grange to Bedford.
Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, May 11, 1567.
1567. MARY. 95
communicated to Elizabeth, whose assistance was ear-
nestly solicited.
But the English princess cherished high and peculiar
ideas of prerogative ; and while she blamed in severe terms
the conductof the Scottish queen, she was incensed at the
bold and scurrilous tone in which Grange had dared to
arraign the proceedings of his sovereign . Upon this point
a remarkable conversation took place between her and
Randolph in the palace garden, of which, fortunately,
this minister, on the same day that it occurred, wrote
an account to Leicester. His expressions are forcible:
" These news," said he, (meaning Mary's intended mar-
riage,) "it pleased her majesty to tell me this day, [May
tenth,] walking in her garden, with great misliking of
that queen's doing, which now she doth so much detest,
that she is ashamed of her. Notwithstanding, her majesty
' doth not like that her subjects should by any force with-
stand that which they do see her bent unto; and yet doth
she greatly fear, lest that Both well having the upper
hand, he will rein again with the French, and either
make away with the prince, or send him into France ;
which deliberation her majesty would gladly have
stayed, but it is very uncertain how it may be brought
to pass.
" Her majesty also told me that she had seen a writ-
ing sent from Grange to my Lord of Bedford, despite-
fully written against that queen, in such vile terms as
she could not abide the hearing of it, wherein he made
her worse than any common woman. She would not
that any subject, what cause soever there be proceeding
from the prince, or whatsoever her life and behaviour
is, should discover that unto the world ; and thereof
so utterly misliketh of Grange's manner of writing and
doing, that she condemns him for one of the worst in
that realm, seeming somewhat to warn me of my famili-
96 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
arity with him, and willing that I should admonish him
of her misliking. In this manner of talk it pleased her
majesty to retain me almost an hour."*
It is now time that we return to the extraordinary
course of events in Scotland, which fulfilled the predic-
tions of Melvil and Grange. The Church was ordered
to proclaim the banns of the queen's marriage. This
they peremptorily refused. Craig, one of the ministers,
Knox being now absent, alleged, as his excuse, that
Mary had sent no written command, and stated the
common report that she had been ravished, and was
kept captive by Bothwell. Upon this the Justice-clerk
brought him a letter signed by the queen herself, as-
serting the falsehood of such a story, and requiring his
obedience. He still resisted, demanded to be confronted
with the parties ; and, in presence of the privy-council,
where Bothwell sat, this undaunted minister laid to
his. charge the dreadful crimes of which he was sus-
pected, rape, adultery, and murder. To the accusation,
no satisfactory answer was returned ; but Craig, having
exonerated his conscience, did not deem himself entitled
to disobey the express command of his sovereign. He
therefore proclaimed the banns in the High Church;
but from the pulpit, and in presence of the congrega-
tion, added these appalling words : " I take heaven
and earth to witness, that I abhor and detest this mar-
riage, as odious and slanderous to the world; and I
would exhort the faithful to pray earnestly, that a union
against all reason and good conscience may yet be over-
ruled by God, to the comfort of this unhappy realm." {
* This Letter has never before been published, but is printed in the Ap-
pendix to the anonymous privately printed work already mentioned, entitled
" Maitland's Narrative." The Appendix consists of letters and other papers
relating to the history of Mary queen of Scotland.
t Anderson, vol. iv. p. 280. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C. Drury
to Cecil, May 14, 1567. Also Original, State-paper Office, May 12, 156/,
B.C., Drury to Cecil
1567. MARY. 97
This solemn warning, with the deep and general
detestation of Bothwell, appeared to produce so little
effect upon the queen, that the people considered the
whole events as strange and supernatural : the report
revived of this abandoned man having employed witch-
craft, no uncommon resource in that age ; and it was
currently asserted, that the marriage day had been
fixed by sorcerers.*
On the twelfth of May, Mary came in person into
the high court at Edinburgh, and addressed the chan-
cellor, the judges, and the nobility whom she had
summoned for the occasion. Having understood, she
said, that some doubts had been entertained by the
lords, whether they ought to sit for the administration
of the laws, their sovereign being detained in captivity
at Dunbar by Lord Bothwell, she informed them that
they might now dismiss their scruples ; for although at
first incensed at the conduct of that nobleman in the
seizure of her person, she had forgiven him his offence
in consequence of his subsequent good conduct, and
meant to promote him to still higher honour.-f- On the
same day, accordingly, he was created Duke of Orkney
and Shetland, the queen with her own hands placing
the coronet on his head ; J and on the fifteenth of May,
the marriage took place at four in the morning in the
presence chamber at Holyrood. It was remarked that
Mary was married in her mourning weeds. The cere-
mony was performed after the rite of the Protestant
church by the Bishop of Orkney ; Craig the minister
of Edinburgh, being also present. In the sermon which
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 12th or 13th May,
J567. See also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., same to same, 20th
May.
F Anderson, vol. i. p. 87.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Hth May, 1567,
Berwick, with its enclosure.
98 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
he preached on the occasion, the bishop professed Both-
well's ^penitence for his former evil life, and his reso-
lution to amend and conform himself to the church.*
Few of the leading nohilit j were present, the event was
unattended with the usual pageants and rejoicings, the
people looked on in stern and gloomy silence ; and next
morning, a paper, with this ominous verse, was found
fixed to the palace gates.
Mense malas Maio nubere vulgus ait.f
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, May 16, 1567.
Also, B.C., same to the same, Berwick, 20th May, 1567.
f The line is from Ovid. Fastorum, Lib. 1. 490.
1567. MARY.
CHAP. II.
MARY.
FROM MARY'S MARRIAGE WITH BOTHWELL, TO THE ELECTION
OF THE REGENT MORAY.
15671569.
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
England. I France. \ Qermany. I Spain. I Portugal. \ Pope.
Elizabeth. I Charles IX. | Maximilian II. I Philip II. I Sebastian. | Pius V.
IT was not to be expected that the late appalling events
would be regarded with indifference by the people, the
reformed clergy, or the more honest part of the nobility.
Bothwell was universally reputed the principal mur-
derer of the king ; he was now the husband of their
sovereign ; and it was commonly reported that he had
already laid his schemes to get possession of the young
prince, who was kept at Stirling castle, under the go-
vernance of the Earl of Mar. Nor are we to wonder
if men even looked with suspicion to the future conduct
of the queen herself. She had apparently surrendered
her mind to the dominion of a passion which rendered
her deaf to every suggestion of delicacy and prudence,
almost of virtue. She had refused to listen to the
entreaties and arguments of her best friends : to Lord
Herries, who, on his knees, implored her not to marry
the duke; to DeCroc the French ambassador, who urged
the same request ; to Beaton her own ambassador ;
100 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
to Sir James Melvil, whose remonstrances against
Bothwell nearly cost him his life.* In the face of all
this she had precipitated her marriage with this daring
and wicked man ; and public rumour still accused her
of being a party to the murder. Of this last atrocious
imputation, indeed, no direct proof was yet brought or
offered ; but even if we dismiss it as absolutely false,
was any mother who acted such a part worthy to be
intrusted with the keeping and education of the heir
to the throne ?
So deeply felt were these considerations, that, as we
have seen, a coalition for the destruction of Bothwell,
and the preservation of the prince, was now widely or-
ganized in Scotland. Of this confederacy Lethington
was secretly a member, although he still remained at
D unbar with the queen. Becoming suspected by
Bothwell, however, this baron and his associate Hunt-
ley had resolved on his death ; when Mary threw her-
self between them, and declared, that if a hair of his
head perished, it should be at the peril of their life and
lands. Thus preserved, he continued his intrigues, and
only waited a favourable opportunity to make his escape
and join his friends.-f- The plans of the associated lords
had been communicated to Moray, then in France;
they were sure to meet with the sanction of the Re-
formed Church, and the sympathy of the people.
France encouraged them; and Robert Melvil and
Grange, two leading men in the confederacy, had in-
formed Cecil and Elizabeth of their intentions. Her
answer was now anxiously expected.
But this princess, at all times jealous of the royal
* Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 176, 177.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 6th May, 1667.
Melvil's Memoirs, p. 170.
1567. MARY. 101
prerogative, was startled when she understood that
the combined lords had not only resolved to prosecute
Bothwell for the murder, and to rescue the queen from
his thraldom, but to crown the prince.* In reply to the
picture they drew of the violent restraint put upon
their sovereign, she informed them, that if Mary's
own letters to herself were to be trusted, she was in no
thraldom, but had consented to all that had happened ;
she observed that "to crown her son during his mother's
life was a matter, for example's sake, not to be digested
by her or any other monarch ;" but she added, that if
they would deliver the young prince into her hands to
be kept in EngUnd, she felt inclined to support them.
In the meantime the Earl of Bedford was ordered to
hasten northward, that he might have an eye on their-f-
movements, and afford them some encouragement; whilst
Cecil, her indefatigable minister, had so craftily laid
his spies about the court, that he received instant in-
formation of the minutest movements of Mary and
Bothwell, of the French intrigues carried on by De
Croc, andof every step taken by the Lords of the Secret
Council. For a brief season after their marriage, the
queen and the duke appeared to forget that they had
an enemy ; and when Mary was informed of the pri-
vate meetings of her opponents, she treated them with
contempt; "Athole," said she, "is but feeble; for
Argyle, I know well how to stop his mouth ; as for
Morton, his boots are but new pulled off (alluding to
his recent return from banishment) and still soiled, he
shall be sent back to his old quarters." t
In the meantime pageants and tourneys were got up
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 6th May, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, llth May, 1567,
ind copy, EJizabeth to Bedford, 17th May, 1567.
J MS. Letter, State-paper OtEce, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 20th May, 1567.
VOL. VII. G
102 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
to amuse the people ; who observed that their queen,
casting off her " mourning weed," assumed a gay dress,
and frequently rode abroad with the duke, making a
show of great contentment. Bothwell too was studio us
to treat her with respect, refusing to be covered in her
presence, which she sometimes playfully resented,
snatching his bonnet and putting it on his head;*
but there were times when his passionate and brutal
temper broke through all restraint ; and to those old
friends who were still at court, and saw her in private,
it was evident, that though she still seemed to love
him, she was a changed and miserable woman. On
one occasion, which is recorded by Sir James Melvil
and De Croc, who were present, his language was so
bitter and disdainful, that in a paroxysm of despair
she called for a knife to stab herself.-f
About a fortnight after the marriage she despatched
the Bishop of Dunblane to France and Rome; his
instructions, which have been preserved, were drawn
up with much skill, and contained a laboured but un-
satisfactory apology for her late conduct. J It was
necessary that an envoy should be sent on the same
errand to Elizabeth ; and here the choice of the queen
was unfortunate, for she selected Robert Melvil, the
secret but determined enemy of Bothwell, and one of
the principal associates in the confederacy against him
and herself. It is possible that this gentleman, who
bore an honourable character in these times, may
have considered, that in accepting this commission he
should be able to serve his royal mistress ; and whilst
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil. Berwick, 25th
May, 1567. Id. Ibid. B.C., Drury to Cecil, 20th May, and 27th May, 1567.
f Melvil's Memoirs, Bannatyne edit. p. 180.
J Keith, p. 388. Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., 27th May,
1567, Drury to Cecil. Also same to same, 20th May, 1567.
Declaration of Robert Melvil. Hopetoun MSS.
I567c MARY. 103
he appeared the active agent of her enemies, might
secretly check the violence of their designs and labour
for her preservation. But whatever may have been
his motives, it is certain that he availed himself of the
confidence with which he was treated, to reveal her
purposes to his confederates, and in the execution of
his mission acted for both parties. He received letters
from Mary and Bothwell to Elizabeth and Cecil ; he
was instructed, as he has himself informed us, to ex-
cuse his mistress's recent marriage, and to persuade
Elizabeth not to expose her to shame or declare herself
an enemy ; * and at the same moment he carried letters
to the English queen, from the lords of the coalition,
who accused her of the murder of her husband, and
now meditated her dethronement. So completely was
he judged to be in their interest, that Morton, the
leader of the enterprise, described him to Elizabeth as
their trusty friend, whom they had commissioned to
declare their latent enterprise to her majesty.^
Bothwell's letter, which he sent by this envoy to
Elizabeth, is worthy of notice. It is expressed in a
bold, almost a kingly tone ; he was aware, he said, of
the queen's ill opinion of him, but he protested that
it was undeserved, declared his resolution to preserve
the amity between the two kingdoms, and professed his
readiness to do her majesty all honour and service.
Men of greater birth, so he concluded, might have been
preferred to the high station he now occupied ; none,
he boldly affirmed, could have been chosen more zealous
for the preservation of her majesty's friendship, of
which she should have experience at any time it might
* MS. Declaration of Robert Melvil. Hopetoun MSS.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Maitland to Cecil, 21st and 28th June,
1567. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Morton and the lords to Elizar
beth, Edinburgh, 26th June, 1567.
104 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
be her pleasure to employ him. The style was differ-
ent from the servility which so commonly ran through
the addresses to this haughty queen, and marked the
proud character of mind which, as much as his crimes,
distinguished this daring man.*
Melvil now left Scotland (June fifth) on his mission
to the English court ; and during his absence, the com-
bined lords rapidly arranged their mode of attack and
concentrated their forces. It was judged time to de-
clare themselves ; and the contrast between their former
and their present conduct was abundantly striking.
They who had combined with Bothwell in the conspi-
racy for the king's murder, and had signed the bond
recommending him as a suitable husband for their
queen, were now the loudest in their execration of the
deed and their denunciations of the marriage. It was
necessary for them, however, from this very circum-
stance, to act with that caution which accomplices in
guilt must adopt when they attempt to expose and
punish a companion. If Morton, Argyle, Huntley,
Lethington and Balfour, possessed evidence to convict
Bothwell and his servants of the murder of the king,
it was not to be forgotten that Bothwell could recrimi-
nate, and prove, by the production of the bond, that
they had consented to the same crime. We know, too,
that he had shown this bond to some of the actual
murderers ; and unless they were slain in hot blood, or
made away with before they had an opportunity of
speaking out, the whole dark story might be revealed.
These apprehensions, which seem to me not to have
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Both well to Elizabeth, 5th June, 1567.
Bothwell at the same tiiae wrote to Cecil and Sir N. Throckmorton, by
Robert Melvil. His letter to Cecil is in the State- paper Office, dated June 5,
that to Throckmorton in the possession of Mr Road, bookseller, Great New-
port Street
1567. MARY. 105
been sufficiently kept in mind, account for the extra-
ordinary circumstances which soon after occurred.
Mary had summoned her nobles to attend her with
their feudal forces on an expedition to Liddesdale, but
most of them had already left court, and neglected the
order. Huntley, who had been much in her confidence,
corresponded with her enemies.* Lethington, the
secretary, whom we have seen carried prisoner to Dun-
bar, pretended still to be devoted to her service, but
betrayed all her purposes to the confederate lords ; and
at length, finding a good opportunity, suddenly left
the court. Moray, it was said, had come to England,
and taken a decided part against her, and Hume, one
of the most warlike and powerful Border lords, was
active in his opposition. ^ No army therefore could
be assembled ; so detested indeed was Bothwell, that
even the soldiers whom he had in pay incurred his
suspicion; and it was reported he only trusted one
company, commanded by Captain Cullen, a man sus-
pected to be deeply implicated in the king's murder. J
Under these circumstances of discouragement, the
queen and the duke had retired to Borthwick castle, a
seat of the Laird of Crookstorrs, about ten miles from
Edinburgh, when the confederates, led by Hume and
the other Border chiefs, made a rapid night march, and
suddenly surrounded the place. They were nearly a
thousand strong ; and along with him were Morton,
Mar, Lindsay, Grange, and their followers, who deem-
ed themselves sure of their prize; but Bothwell escaped
through a postern in the back wall, to Haddington.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., 20th May, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-p iper Office, 7th June, 1567, B.C., Drury to Cecil.
Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 16'thMay, 1567, B.C., Drury to Cecil.
Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., '25th May, 1567.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., 31st May, 1567,
with an undated Letter, probably an enclosure.
106 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 1567.
Here he remained a day in concealment, and then
reached Dunbar, where he was next day joined by the
queen, who fled in man's apparel, booted and spurred,
from Borthwick, and thus eluded notice.* Disap-
pointed in their first attempt, the confederates marched
to the capital, which they reached at four in the morning,
broke open the gates, took possession of the city, and
published a proclamation, declaring that they had risen
in arms to revenge the death of the king, and the for-
cible abduction of their sovereign.-f Here they were
soon after joined by the Earl of Athole and the noted
Lethington, a man who had belonged to all parties,
and had deserted all, yet whose vigour of mind, and
great capacity for state affairs, made him still welcome,
wherever he turned himself. High wages were now
offered to any volunteers who would come forward, and
to give greater publicity to the cause for which they
fought, a banner was displayed, on which was painted
the body of the murdered king, lying under a tree as
he had been first found, with the young prince kneel-
ing beside it, and underneath the motto " Judge and
avenge my cause^ Lord" The sight of this, and the
tenor of their proclamation, produced a strong effect ;
and the confederates had the satisfaction to find, not
only that the common people and the magistrates
warmly espoused their cause, but that Sir James Bal-
four, who enjoyed the highest confidence with Both-
well, and commanded the castle, was ready to join
them. This infamous man had, as we have seen, been
deeply implicated in the murder, and was reported to
* Sloane MSS. Ayscough, 3199, British Museum, copy, John Beaton to
Hs brother, llth to 17th June. Printed by Laing, vol. ii. p. 106. MS.
Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, 12th June, 1567.
t Anderson, vol. i. p. 131. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., 12th
June, 1567, B.C., Drury to Cecil. B.C., MS. Letter, State-paper Office,
same to same, B.C., 14th June, 1567.
1567. MARY. 107
have some secret papers regarding it in his keeping.
His anticipated defection, therefore, gave new spirit to
the party.*
Whilst such was the state of things in the city,
Mary and Bothwell had assembled their followers at
Dunbar, and such was the effect of the royal name, that
many of the Border barons and gentry deserted Hume,
and joined the queen's camp. Along with them came
the Lords Seton, Yester, and Borthwick, so that
within a short time her force amounted to about
2000 men. With these Mary and the duke instantly
marched against the enemy, leaving Dunbar on the
fourteenth June, and advancing that night to Seton.
Next morning she caused a proclamation to be read to
the army, in which her opponents were arraigned as
traitors, who for their private ends had determined to
overturn the government. They pretended, she said,
to prosecute the duke her husband, for the king's mur-
der, after he had been already fully acquitted of the
crime; they declared their resolution to rescue her-
self from captivity, but she was no captive, as they
who had themselves recommended her marriage with
the duke well knew ; they had taken arms, as they
affirmed, to defend the prince her son but he was in
their own hands, and how then could they think him
in danger 2 in short all was a mere cover for their trea-
son, and this she trusted soon to prove, by the aid of
her faithful subjects, on the persons of these unnatural
rebels. } Her next step was to intrench herself on
Carberry hill, within the old works which had been
* Beaton to his brother, from Sloane MSS. 3199. Laing, Append, vol, ii.
p, 106. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Scrope to Cecil, B.C., Car-
lisle, June 16, 1567.
t Spottiswood, p. 206, Beaton to his brother. Laing, vol. ii. pp. 106, 110.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., 14th June, 1567.
108 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
thrown up by the English army previous to the battle
of Pinkie.
Mary here awaited her opponents, who showed no
less alacrity to engage, marching from Edinburgh on
the morning of Sunday the fifteenth, and taking the
route to Musselburgh, which soon brought them in
sight of their adversaries. Monsieur de Croc the
French ambassador, was then with the queen. He
had disapproved of her marriage ; and we have seen
that he had even encouraged the confederates, with a
view of having the prince sent to France ; * but he
now made an attempt at mediation, and carried a mes-
sage to Morton and Glencairn, assuring them of their
sovereign's disposition to pardon the past, on condition
that they returned to their duty. " We have not come
here, 1 ' said Glencairn, when he heard this proposal,
" to solicit pardon for ourselves, but rather to give it
to those who have offended." " We are in arms," added
Morton, "not against our queen, but the Duke of
Orkney, the murderer of her husband. Let him be
delivered up, or let her majesty remove him from her
company, and we shall yield her obedience."^
It was evident from this reply that there was little
hope of peace, and the confederate lords were the more
determined, as an indisposition to fight was beginning
to be apparent in the royal troops, some men at that
moment stealing over to the enemy. Observing this,
Bothwell, who was never deficient in personal courage,
rode forward, and, by a herald, sent his defiance to any
one that dared arraign him of the king's murder. His
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., 9th June, 156".
Also, same to same, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 31st May, 1567. Also,
15th June, 1567, Bedford to Leicester, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C.
f Keith, p. 401. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Scrope to Cecil, Car-
lisle, 17th June, 1567, B.C. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C.
Drury to Cecil, Berwick, 18th and 19th June, 1567.
1567. MARY. 109
gage was accepted by James Murray of Tullibardine,
the same baron who had, it was said, affixed the de-
nunciation to the Tolbooth gate ; but Bothwell refused
to enter the lists' with one who was not his peer, and
singled out Morton, who readily answered, that he
would fight him instantly on foot and with two-handed
swords. Upon this, Lord Lindsay of the Byres in-
terfered. The combat, he contended, belonged of right
to him, as the relative of the murdered king, and he
implored the associate lords by the services he had
done, and still hoped to do, that they would grant him
the courtesy to meet the duke in this quarrel. It was
deemed proper to humour Lindsay ; and Morton pre-
sented him with his own sword, a weapon well known
and highly valued, as having been once wielded by his
renowned ancestor, Archibald Bell-the-Cat. Lindsay
then proceeded to arm himself ; and kneeling down be-
fore the ranks, audibly implored God to strengthen his
arm to punish the guilty, and protect the innocent.
Bothwell too seemed eager to fight, but at this critical
juncture, Mary interfered, and resolutely forbade the
encounter.*
By this time it was evident that desertion was
spreading rapidly in her army, nor had her remon-
strances the least effect : she implored them to advance,
assured them of victory, taunted them with cowardice,
but all to so little purpose, that when Grange, at the
head of his troops, began to wheel round the hill so as
to turn their flank, the panic became general, and the
queen and Bothwell were left with only sixty gentle-
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Haryson to Cecil, probably June
16, 1567. The name is scored out but readable. Also, MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, June 19, 156V, with enclosure. Calder-
wood, MS. History, Ayscough, 4735, p. 668. Also, Spottiswood, p. 207.
110 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
men, and the band of hagbutters.* It was his design
to throw himself between Dunbar and this little force,
thus cutting off Bothwell's escape ; but Mary perceived
it, and sent the Laird of Ormiston to demand a parley.
This was immediately granted, and when Grange rode
forward, he assured his sovereign of their readiness to
obey her, if that man who now stood beside her, and was
guilty of the king^s murder, were dismissed. To this
she replied, that if the lords promised to return to their
allegiance, she would leave the duke and put herself in
their hands. He carried this message to his brethren,
and came back with a solemn assurance that, on such
conditions, they were ready to receive and obey her as
their sovereign. Hearing this, the queen, ever too
credulous and apt to act on the impulse of the moment,
held a moments conversation aside with Bothwell.
What passed can only be conjectured ; he appeared to
waver, and remonstrate, but when she gave him her
hand, he took farewell, turned his horse's head and
rode off the field, none of the confederates offering the
least impediment, f It was the last time they ever
met.
Mary now waited for some time till he was out of
danger, and then, coming forward, exclaimed: "Laird
of Grange, I surrender to you on the conditions you
have specified in the name of the lords." That baron
then took her hand, which he kissed ; and holding her
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Scrope to Cecil, June 17, 1567.
) Raumer, quoting De Croc's Despatches, pp. 100, 101. De Croc says in his
letter to Catherine de Medici, " Bothwell became greatly alarmed, and at
last asked the queen whether she would keep the promise of fidelity which
she had made to him. She answered yes, and gave him her hand upon it.
He then mounted his horse, and fled with a few attendants." All this, how-
ever, must, as I have said, be conjecture. De Croc was not present : after
his unsuccessful attempt at jnediation, he had retired to Edinburgh. Spot-
tiswood, p. 207.
1567. MARY. Ill
horsed bridle, conducted her down the hill to the con-
federates. On reaching the lines, she was met by the
nobles, who received heron their knees. "Here, madam,"
said Morton, "is the true place where your grace should
be, and here we are ready to defend and obey you as
loyally as ever nobility of this realm did your progeni-
tors." So fully felt was this sentiment, that when some
of the common soldiers began to utter opprobrious
language, Grange drew his sword and compelled them
into silence.
Such was the extraordinary scene which led to the
escape of Bothwell, and it demands a moment's reflec-
tion. The confederate nobles had declared that their
object in taking arms was, to bring this infamous man
to justice, as the murderer of the king ; yet, at the
moment when they had him in their power, he was
permitted to escape. Nothing could appear more in-
consistent ; and yet, perhaps, looking to the motives
which have been already pointed out, it will not be
found unnatural. He, indeed, was the principal mur-
derer, but Morton, Huntley, Lethington, and Argyle,
were aware, that if driven to his defence, he could bring
them in as accomplices. They allowed him to escape,
because he was infinitely more easily dealt with as a
fugitive than as a prisoner.
But to return to Mary. Encouraged by the first
appearances of courtesy, she declared her wish to com-
municate with the Hamiltons, who, the night before,
had advanced in considerable strength to Linlithgow.
This was peremptorily refused, upon which she broke
into reproaches, appealed to their promise, and demand-
ed how they dared to treat her as a prisoner ! Her
questions and her arguments were unheeded, and she
now bitterly repented her precipitation. Her spirit,
112 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 15G7.
however, instead of being subdued, was rather roused
by their baseness. She called for Lindsay, one of the
fiercest of the confederate barons, and bade him give
her his hand. He obeyed. " By the hand, 11 said she,
" which is now in yours, Fll have your head for this. 11 *
Unfortunate princess ! When she spoke thus, little
did she know how soon that unrelenting hand, which
had been already stained with Riccio^ blood, would
fall still heavier yet upon herself.
It was now evening, and the queen, riding between
Morton and Athole, was conducted to the capital, where
she awoke to all the horrors of her situation. -j- She
was a captive in the hands of her worst enemies : the
populace, as she rode through the streets, received her
with yells and execrations; the women pressing round,
accused her in coarse terms as an adultress stained with
her husband's blood ; and the soldiers, unrestrained by
their officers, kept constantly waving before her eyes
the banner on which was painted the murdered king,
and the prince crying for vengeance. At first they
shut her up in the provosfs house, where she was
strictly guarded. It was in vain she remonstrated
against this breach of faith ; in vain she implored them
to remember that she was their sovereign : they were
deaf to her entreaties, and she was compelled to pass
the night, secluded even from her women, in solitude
and tears. But the morning only brought new hor-
rors. The first object which met her eyes was the
same dreadful banner, which, with a refinement in
craelty, the populace had hung up directly opposite
her windows. The sight brought on an agony of de-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., June 18, 1567.
Also, copy, State-paper Office, probably June 16, 1567, Haryson to Cecil.
t Letter of John Beaton to his brother, Sloane MSS. Ayscough, 3199,
printed by Laing, vol. ii. p. 106.
1567. MARY. 113
spair and delirium, in the midst of which she tore the
dress from her person, and, forgetting that she was
almost naked, attempted in her phrenzy to address the
people.* This piteous spectacle could not be seen
without producing an impression in her favour ; and
the citizens were taking measures for her rescue, when
she was suddenly removed to Holyrood. Here a hur-
ried consultation was held, and in the evening she was
sent a prisoner to Lochleven, a castle situated in the
midst of a lake, belonging to Douglas, one of the con-
federates, and from which escape was deemed impossible.
In her journey thither, she was treated with studied
indignity, exposed to the gaze of the mob, miserably
clad, mounted on a sorry hackney, and placed under
the charge of Lindsay and Ruthven, men of savage
manners, even in this age, and who were esteemed pe-
culiarly fitted for the task.~f* Against this base con-
duct, it is said, that Grange loudly remonstrated, and
that, to silence his reproaches, the lords produced an
intercepted letter, written by the queen from her prison
in Edinburgh to Bothwell, in which she assured him,
that she would never desert him. The story is told
by Melvil, but I have found no trace of it ; and Grange
had already manifested such bitter hostility to his so-
vereign, that his sincerity may be questioned, especially
as he continued to act with his former associates.]:
Thus far the measures of the confederates were
crowned with success. The queen was a prisoner in
their hands ; they were possessed of the person of the
heir- apparent, who had been committed to the gover-
* John Beaton to his hrother, 17th June, 1567, Laing, vol. ii. Appendix,
p. 106.
t Id. Ibid. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Drury to Cecil, B.C.,
June 18, 1567.
J Melvil's Memoirs, Bannatyne edition, p. 185.
114 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
nance of Mar, one of their principal leaders ; Bothwell
was a fugitive, and they were sustained in everything
they had done by the support of the ministers of the
Reformed Church, and by the general voice of the
people. For the present, therefore, all was deemed
secure ; and, on considering their future policy, they
determined to pause till it was seen with what feelings
the late events were regarded by England and France.
With this view they lost no time in despatching let-
ters, first to Elizabeth, and after a little interval to the
King of France. To the English queen they declared
that their only motive in taking up arms had been the
punishment of the king's murder ; they assured her,
that so soon as this was accomplished, their sovereign
should be restored to freedom ; and as for the corona-
tion of the young prince, that such an idea had never
been contemplated. In conclusion, they expressed a
hope that she would consider their want of money, and
send them the sum of three or four thousand crowns to
hire soldiers, in return for which they were ready to
refuse the offers of France, and submit to be wholly
guided by England.*
To France their letters were full of amity, but more
general and guarded. De Croc the ambassador, had
at once perceived the advantage of securing the friend-
ship of the successful party. Although pretending a
great zeal for Mary's service, he really favoured the
confederates, and had not only proposed that the young
prince should be brought up under the care of the king
his master, but advised them to keep the Queen of
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir John Forster to Cecil, June
20, 1567. The messenger's name was John Rede, with Instructions enclosed.
Also, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, June 20, 1567. Also, MS. Letter,
State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, June 23, 1567.
1567. MARY. 115
Scots securely, now that they had her in their hands.*
To him the confederates gave fair words, but prudently
determined not to commit themselves, till they heard
more definitively from England. They at the same
time entered into communication with Moray and the
Earl of Lennox, whose presence they required in Scot-
land.^
At this crisis, (June twentieth,) according to the
evidence of Cecil's journal, which has been, on insuf-
ficient grounds, I think, suspected of forgery, the Lords
of the Secret Council, through the treachery of a ser-
vant of Bothwell's, became possessed of a box or casket,
which was said to contain some private letters and
sonnets addressed by the queen to the duke. This was
that celebrated silver casket, which afterwards made so
much noise, and in which, as asserted by the enemies
of Mary, were found decided proofs of her guilt. The
whole details connected with the story are suspicious,
nor is it the least suspicious of these circumstances,
that in the confidential letters of Drury to Cecil, writ-
ten at this period from day to day, and embracing
the most minute information of everything which pass-
ed, there is no allusion to such a seizure. It is, how-
ever, to be remembered that Morton, Lethington, and
Sir James Balfour, the three great leaders of the
confederacy, were themselves deeply implicated in the
assassination of Darnley, and that they would be ex-
ceedingly likely to suppress such a discovery, till the
contents of the casket were rigidly examined. They
knew that Bothwell was in possession of the bond for
the king's murder, and the casket might contain it,
* MS. Letter. State-paper Office, Drary to Cecil, B.C., June 20, 1567.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drary to Cecil, B.C., July 9, 1567. Also,
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., July 12. Same to same, and July 19,
Scrope to Cecil.
116 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
or other papers equally conclusive. It is certain that,
on the day of this reported discovery, (June twentieth,)
Morton and his associates despatched George Douglas,
one of the most confidential of their number, on a
secret mission to the Earl of Bedford, and it is possible
his message may have related to it.* In this myste-
rious state we must leave the matter at present.
On hearing of the late extraordinary events in Scot-
v
land, Elizabeth's feelings were of a divided kind. Her
ideas of the inviolability of the royal prerogative, were
offended by the imprisonment of the queen. However
great were Mary's faults, or even her guilt, it did not
accord with the high creed of the English princess,
that any subjects should dare to expose or punish them ;
and we have seen that, in a former conversation with
Randolph, she alluded to Grange's letters to Bedford
in terms of much bitterness, -f- But notwithstanding
this,- she was fully alive to the necessity of supporting
a Protestant party in Scotland; and she well knew that
nothing could so effectually promote her views, as to
induce the confederate lords to refuse the offers of
France, and deliver to her the young prince to be
educated in Protestant principles at the court of Eng-
land. Nor was she ignorant that the able and crafty
men who directed their proceedings, had determined
to refuse every petition for the restoration of their
sovereign to liberty, an event probably as much depre-
cated by Elizabeth as by themselves. } It was perfectly
safe for the English queen, therefore, to give fair pro-
mises to Mary, and to remonstrate with the confede-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Bedford to Cecil, B.C., June 23, 1567.
Also,MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton and the Lords to Bedford, June
20, 1567.
( Randolph to Leicester, May 10, 1567. See supra, p. 95.
Gonzalez Apuntamientos, p. 322. Memories de la Real Acad. de la
Historia, vol. vii.
1567. MARY. 117
rates upon this subject. Such being her views, she
despatched Eobert Melvil, who was then in England,
with a letter to his mistress ; and ordered Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, one of her ablest diplomatists, to hold
himself in readiness to proceed on a mission to Scotland.
Meanwhile the Lords of the Secret Council, who
had suffered the principal actor in the king's murder
to escape, became active in their search for inferior
delinquents. Captain Cullen, a daring follower of
BothwelFs, had been seized on their first advance to
Edinburgh, and soon after two others, Captain Blacater,
and Sebastian de Villours, were apprehended. The
foreigner was soon discharged, but Blacater was tried
for the murder, convicted, and executed before an im-
mense concourse of spectators, who eagerly surrounded
the scaffold. To their disappointment he died solemnly
calling God to witness his innocence, and revealed no
particulars. * Of Cullen, who, it was reported, on his
apprehension, had discovered the whole details of the
conspiracy, we hear no more. It is possible, he may
have been commanded to say nothing, because he might
have told too much.
These efforts of the confederates to bring the guilty
to justice, did not satisfy the people ; it was suspected,
that amongst their leaders were some who dreaded
any strict examination ; and Morton and Lethington,
distrusting the fickle nature of the lower classes, began
to dread a reaction in the queen's favour. This was
the more alarming, as the rival faction of the Hamiltons
had recently mustered in great strength. The head
of this party was nominally the Duke of Chastelherault,
now in France, but really his brother the Archbishop
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., June 25; also, B.C.,
June 27, 1567. Same to same. Also, Historic of James the Sext, p. 15.
Bannatyne edition.
VOL VII. H
118 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567
of St Andrew's. Failing Mary and her son, the Duke
was next heir to the throne ; and he and his advisers
had acuteness enough to penetrate into the views of
Morton and his party. They saw clearly, that the
consequence of the continued captivity of their sove-
reign, must be the coronation of the young prince, his
protection by Elizabeth, and the establishment of a
regency, under which Lennox, Morton, or Moray, would
engross the whole power of the state. Having been
generally opposed to Mary and her marriage, her cap-
tivity was not in itself a matter which gave them any
very deep concern ; but in weighing the two evils, its
continuance and a regency, or her restoration and a
third marriage, they chose what they thought the least,
and determined to make an effort for her restoration.
For this purpose a convention of the lords of their
party was held at Dumbarton, (June twenty-ninth,)
and proclamation made for all good subjects to be ready,
on nine hours 1 warning, to take arms for the delivery
of the queen. * They were here joined by Argyle and
Huntley, who had deserted the confederates ; by Her-
ries, a baron of great power and vigour of character ;
and by Crawford, with the Lords Seton and Fleming;
whilst the Archbishop of St Andrew's, and the celebrated
Lesley bishop of Ross, directed their councils. -f- Their
deliberations were watched and reported to his court
by De Croc the French ambassador, who found them,
as was to be anticipated, more inclined to France than
England.^
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil. He states that
" the confederates are very anxious for Lennox's return into Scotland, to
beard the ffamiltons." June 20, 1567. Also, same to same, June 25, 1567.
State-paper Office, B.C. Also, same to same, MS. Letter, State-paper Office,
B.C., June 29 ; and same to same, July 1, 1567, B.C.
f Bond signed by the Convention at Dumbarton, June 29, 1567, copy,
State-paper Office, and printed by Keith, p. 436.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Drury to Cecil, B.C., June 29, 1567.
1567. MARY. 119
It was not to be expected that the Lords of the
Secret Council could view such proceedings without
anxiety, and they thought it prudent to strengthen
themselves by a more intimate union with the party
of the Reformed Church. Here, indeed, was their
strongest hold ; for the Reformed clergy were sternly
opposed to the queen, they firmly believed that she
was participant in the king's murder, and they possessed
the highest influence with the people.
On their taking possession of the capital, immediately
after their unsuccessful attempt at Borthwick, Glen-
cairn, one of the fiercest zealots of these times, had
signalized his hatred of Popery by an attack upon the
royal chapel at Holyrood, in which he demolished the
altar, and destroyed the shrines and images. This
attack, although condemned by some of the party, was
not unwelcome to the ministers, and on the twenty-
fifth of June, an assembly of the Church was held
at Edinburgh. In this meeting of his friends and
brethren, John Knox reappeared. This great leader
of the Reformed Church, had fled, as we have seen, *
from the capital, immediately after the assassination
of Riccio, and had deemed it unsafe to return, till the
queen was imprisoned in Lochleven. Of his history
in this interval, we know little ; he probably resided
chiefly with his relatives in the neighbourhood of Ber-
wick, and he was in England at the time of the king's
murder ;*f- but about a month after that event, he again
entered into communication with Bedford and Cecil : J
and now that all fear from the animosity of the queen
was at an end, and the chief power in the government
once more in the hands of his friends, he again took
his part in the discussions which agitated the country.
* Supra, p. 35.
t M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 259.
MS. Letter,State-paperOffice,B.C.,Bedford to C<!cil, March 11, 1566-7.
120 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
In his retirement, he appears to have lost nothing
of his wonted fire. He was animated by the same
stern, uncompromising, and unscrupulous spirit as
before, and the crisis appeared to him to be highly
favourable for the complete demolition of Popery, and
the permanent establishment of the Protestant faith.
Henceforward we must regard him as the leader of the
Reformed Church ; and upon certain conditions he de-
clared himself ready to give his cordial assistance to the
confederates. He stipulated that they should recognise
the parliament held at Edinburgh in 1560, and its acts
as laws of the realm. It will be recollected, that this
was the famous parliament in which Popery had been
overthrown, and the reformed religion established ;
and that, notwithstanding all the efforts of Elizabeth
and the Protestants, Mary had never given her consent
to its decrees. The confederates, who were mostly, if
not all, Protestants, of course experienced no such
scruples, but embraced the proposal at once, and en-
tered into the strictest union with Knox and his party.
Nor was this all. They agreed to restore the patri-
mony of the church, which had been seized and devoted
to civil uses ; to intrust the education of youth in all
colleges and public seminaries to the reformed clergy;
to put down idolatry (so they denominated the Roman
Catholic faith) by force of arms, if necessary; to watch
over the education of the prince, committing him to
some godly and grave governor ; and to punish to the
uttermost the murderers of the king.* In return for
this, Knox adopted the cause of the Lords of the Secret
Council (such was the title by which the confederacy
against Mary and Bothwell was now known) with all
the energy belonging to his character. From former
* Knox, History, p. 449. Spottiswood, p. 210. MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, Drury to Cecil, B.C., Berwick, June 25, 1567. Also MS. Letter,
B.C., Jane 27, 1567, same to the same.
1567. MARY. 121
experience, none knew better than this extraordinary
man the strength of popular opinion when once roused,
and few understood better how to rouse it by that style
of pulpit eloquence which he had adopted : earnest,
sententious, satirical, colloquial, often coarse, but always
to the point, and always successful. There can be little
doubt, I think, that the great secondary cause of the
establishment of the Reformation in Scotland was the
force of popular opinion, roused, directed, and kept in
continual play, by the sermons and addresses of the
clergy. Such an engine was not permitted in England
by Elizabeth and her ministers : Knox regretted it,
and repeatedly requested licence to preach at Berwick,
but he was invariably refused.
An attempt was made at this time to bring over the
Hamiltons and their associates to the confederates,*
and letters were written in the name of the Church to
Argyle, Huntley, Herries, and others, requesting their
presence at Edinburgh on the twentieth July, to which
day they had adjourned their Assembly. To enforce
this, Knox, with three colleagues, Douglas, Row, and
Craig, waited upon them, and urged the necessity of
their attendance, that they might labour for the re-
establishment of the policy and patrimony of the
Church. But the Hamiltons suspected the overtures ;
and the Secret Council, who dreaded lest delay should
give strength to their enemies, determined to compel
the queen to abdicate the government in favour of the
prince her son.
The known character of Mary, however, rendered
this daring resolution a matter of no easy accomplish-
ment. Her confinement in Lochleven had been ae-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Berwick, Drury to Cecil, June
25, 1567.
122 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-
companied with circumstances of great rigour; she was
there placed under the charge of Lindsay and Ruthven,
men familiar with blood, and of coarse and fierce
manners. The lady of the castle, Margaret Erskine,
daughter of Lord Erskine, had been mistress to the
queen's father, James the Fifth, and was mother to
the Earl of Moray. She had been afterwards married
to Sir Robert Douglas ; and their son, William Dou-
glas, who was proprietor of the castle, had early joined
ti.e confederacy. She herself is said to have been a
woman of a proud and imperious spirit, and was ac-
customed to boast that she was James's lawful wife,
and her son Moray, his legitimate issue, who had been
supplanted by the queen.*
Under such superintendents, Mary could not expect
a lenient captivity; but her spirit was unbroken, though
Villeroy, a gentleman sent to her by the king of France,
was denied all access, and it became impossible for her
to receive advices of the proceedings of the Hamiltons,
from the strictness with which all communication was
cut off.-f She had sent, as we have seen, Robert Mel-
vil on a mission to the English queen soon after her
marriage. During his stay in England those sad ca-
lamities had occurred with which we are acquainted ;
and now that she was a prisoner, shut out from all
friendly intercourse, and fed only with the deferred
hopes that sicken -the heart, she looked anxiously for
his return.
But this servant had, as we have seen, become the
envoy of her enemies. During his stay in England,
he had acted as the secret agent of the confederate lords,
who had imprisoned her; he solicited money to support
* Keith, p. 403, note 6.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to CecU,27th June, 1567.
Also Id : same to same, June 20, 1567.
1567. MARY. 123
them in their enterprise ; he received orders from them
to supply himself out of this sum when it was advanced
by Elizabeth; he was cautioned against declaring him-
self too openly, as something had come to the ears of
the French ambassador:* he proposed te the English
queen the project for Mary's " demitting the crown"
in favour of her son, with which the lords who had
imprisoned her, had made him acquainted ; and, on his
arrival in Edinburgh, his first meeting was neither with
his own sovereign nor the friends who had combined
for her delivery, but with the Lords of the Secret Coun-
cil. He assured them of the support of the English
queen, in the " honourable enterprise, 11 in which they
had engaged ; he informed them that Elizabeth had
agreed to Mary's resignation of the crown, provided
it came of her own consent; and he then, before visiting
his mistress in her prison at Lochleven, addressed a
letter to Cecil, from which, as it contains his own ac-
count of his negotiation, I think it right to give this
extract : " It may please your honour, 11 says he, " to
be advertised, I came to this town [Edinburgh] upon
the twenty-ninth of June, and have^f* imparted the
queen's majesty's good disposition in the assisting and
partaking with the lords to prosecute the murderers
of the king, and to preserve the prince in the custody
of the Earl of Mar. Whereof the said lords most
humbly thank her highness. The whole particularities
that I had your honour's advice in, according to the
queen your sovereign's meaning, is not at this present
resolved on, by reason the most part of noblemen are
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Melvil to Cecil, 1st July, 1567 ; also
MS. Letter, Melvil to Cecil, June, 1567 ; and MS. Letter, in cipher -with
the decipher affixed, David Robertson to Melvil, June 26, 1567 ; also MS.
Letter, State-paper Office, Earls of Athole, Morton, and others, to Elizabeth,
26th June, 1567.
f In Orig. " has."
124 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
gone to their houses, to repose them and their friends,
except the Earls of Morton and Athole, with my Lord
Hume, my Lord Ledington, Sir James Balfour captain
of the castle, who is daily in council with them, and
Mr James Makgill and the justice-clerk. The cause
of their going from this town is by some bragging of
the Hamiltons, with the Earl of Huntley, minding to
convene their forces and make their colour [pretence]
for the delivery of the queen ; albeit, it be credibly
reported, that they fear the king's murder to be laid
to some of their charges ; I mean the Bishop qf St
Andrew's: wherefore, it was thought most convenient
that the noblemen and gentlemen should in the mean-
time have their friends in readiness.
" Before my .coming, the lords did write divers in-
structions unto me, besides a letter written to the
queen's majesty,* subscribed by them. The effect
whereof was, that as they did understand by me of the
good inclination [of] your mistress and council being
addicted to help them in their most need, so, for their
parts, their goodwill to do her majesty service, before
all other, with time shall be declared. As for their
dealing with France, they have used them so discreetly,
as neither France may have any just cause to be of-
fended, and the queen your sovereign be well pleased.
u The lords presently needs but money, for they
have already listed divers men of war, and is taking up
more. The Hamiltons is judged to be maintained by
the queen's -f- substance, and countenanced by France
to have money, seeing France is in doubt to persuade
our noblemen. Wherefore, sir, it is most needful, that
with all expedition money maybe procured of the queen
your sovereign, and sent thither with Sir Nicholas
* Elizabeth. f Mary's.
1567. MARY. 125
Fragmarton,* or by some of the Borders, for that
necessity that they will be prest to, will be within eight
or ten days, which I thought meet to advertise your
honour of; and what order shall be taken for my going
to the queen is not agreed upon, by reason the most
part of lords are not present ; and my Lord Ledington
being greatly empesched with affairs, might not have
leisure to concur at length, but is glad to understand
of the care your honour has, that we should do all
things by justice and moderation. And that the queen
your sovereign may be content with your conference
with me, he does well like of your advice in divers
heads ; always, there is matter enough probable^ to
proceed upon that matter we first agreed upon, and
farther is thought expedient. Ye shall with diligence
be advertised ; and refers the rest to my Lord of Led-
ington's letter, who does repose himself upon the care
he hopes your honour will continue in, for to set for-
ward their honourable enterprise ; and the lords, for
their part, will accord with your ambassador to keep
the prince : and to her highness 1 desire will put him
in the custody of her majesty, if at any time hereafter
they shall be minded to suffer him go in any other
country. The whole novels J here I refer to my Lord
of Ledington's letter; and as I learn further your
honour shall be advertised. * * * At Edinburgh,
the first of July. R. Melvil."
This letter sufficiently explains itself, and proves,
that Melvil, although nominally the envoy of Mary,
was now acting for the confederates. It unveils, also,
the real intentions of Elizabeth: it shows that her
* Sir N. Throckmorton.
"\" Probable here used in the sense of proveable. J Novels news.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Robert Melvil to Cecil, Edinburgh, 1st
July, 1567.
126 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
object in despatching her ambassador, Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, was professedly to procure the queen's
liberty ; but really to encourage the confederates, to
attach them to her service, to obtain possession of the
prince if possible, to induce the captive queen to resign
the crown, and to hold out to Moray, with whom she,
Melvil, and the Lords of the Secret Council, were now
in treaty, the hope of returning to his country and
becoming the chief person in the government.* It
appears to me also, (but this is conjecture,) that the
mysterious sentence^ in which Melvil informs Cecil
that Lethington liked his advice, and that at any rate
they had proof enough to proceed on the matter first
agreed upon, related to the scheme of compelling their
sovereign to agree to their wishes by a threat of bring-
ing her to a public trial for the murder of the king.
On the same day on which this letter was written
(July first) Melvil repaired to Lochleven, and was
admitted to an interview with Mary, in which he
delivered to her the letter of the Queen of England.
At this conference Lindsay, Ruthven, and Douglas,
insisted on being present, according to the orders which
they had received from the Lords of the Secret Council.
The queen was thus cut off from all private conference
with her servant, and she complained bitterly of such
rigour, but could obtain no redress. Eight days after-
wards, however, Melvil was again sent by them to
Lochleven, and permitted to see his royal mistress
alone. In this interview he endeavoured (according
to his own declaration) { to persuade Mary to renounce
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, R. Melvil to Cecil, July 8, 1567. Kerny
in Fife.
j- " He [Lethington] does well like of your advice in divers heads; always
there is matter enough probable [proveable] to proceed upon that matter we
first agreed upon, and farther is thought expedient."
J Robert Melvil's Declaration, Hopetonn, MSS. Also, MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, Sir James Melvil to Drury, Edinburgh, 8th July, 1567.
1567. MARY. 127
Botliwell, but this she peremptorily refused; and her
obduracy upon this point excited the utmost indignation
in the lords and the people. Knox, now all powerful
with the lower ranks, thundered out, as Throckmorton
expressed it to Cecil, cannon-hot against her ; and so
thoroughly convinced were his party, and some of the
leaders, of her guilt, that it became generally reported
she would be brought to a public trial. So much was
this the case, that, early in July, Lord Herries held
a meeting with Lord Scrope, in which, when the Eng-
lish warden attempted to detach him from Mary's
interests, he declared, that if Morton and his faction
would set his mistress at liberty, he was ready to assist
them in prosecuting the king's murder, but if they
intended to bring the queen to her trial by open assize,
he would defend her, though forsaken by all the world.*
In the meantime, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, Eliza-
beth's ambassador, left the English court on his mission
to Scotland. We have seen that the English queen,
in her message to Morton and his confederates, by
Robert Melvil,had encouraged them in their enterprise,
and promised them her support ; but her instructions
to Throckmorton, although severely worded, were more
favourable to the captive queen. He was directed,
indeed, to express her grief and indignation that decided
steps had not been taken for the punishment of the
king's murder, to point out the mortal reproach she
had incurred by her marriage, and to assure her, that
at first she had resolved to give up all farther communi-
cation with one who seemed by her acts so reckless of
her honour ; but he was instructed to add, that the
late rebellious conduct of her nobles had softened these
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Scrope to Cecil, B.C. Carlisle, 9th
July, 1667.
128 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
feelings. Whatever had been Mary's conduct, it did
not (she said) belong to subjects to assume the sword,
or to punish the faults of the prince ; and so much did
she commiserate and resent her imprisonment, that
she was prepared to compel her nobles to restore her
to liberty. At the same time, she was ready to lend
her countenance and assistance for the prosecution of
the king's murder, and the preservation of the young
prince. In conclusion, Throckmorton was enjoined to
declare to the Scottish queen the charges with which
she was loaded by her subjects, and to hear her answers
and defence. *
On crossing the Border, the ambassador was met
by Lethington the secretary, at Coldingham, who con-
ducted him to Fastcastle, a strong fortalice overhang-
ing the German Ocean, -f- Here he was received by
Hume the lord of the castle, with Sir James Melvil ;
and in a conference held with the Scottish secretary,
it was "soon apparent that he had to deal with those
who were as crafty, cautious, and diplomatic as himself
or his mistress. On the same day he wrote to Cecil,
and informed him that the Scottish lords dreaded Eliza-
beth's caprice. They assured themselves, he said, "that
if they ran her fortune, she would leave them in the
briars, 1 ' and desert them after they had committed
themselves. Already they complained that she had
departed from her first promises to Robert Melvil, and
had sent a cold answer to their last letter ; and as for
her proposal to set their sovereign at liberty, if sincere
in this, it was plain (they said) that the Queen of Eng-
* British Museum, Cotton MSS. Caligula, C. i. f. 3, 6, 8. Copy, Instruc-
tions to Sir N. Throckmorton, 30th June, 1567.
) Robertson's Appendix, No. xxii. Throckmorton to Cecil, 12th July,
1567. Fastcastle is described by him as "very little and very strong: a
place fitter to lodge prisoners than folks at liberty.'"
1567. MARY. 129
land sought their ruin ; for were Mary once free, it
would be absurd to talk of the prosecution of the mur-
der, or, indeed, of any other condition.
Touching their intended policy to France, a subject
upon which Elizabeth was exceedingly jealous, Throck-
niorton found them resolved to hold, for the present,
the same cautious course which they pursued to Eng-
land, neither positively refusing nor accepting the over-
tures of the French king. These, indeed, as Lethington
reported them to the English ambassador, were of an
extraordinary description; and if Mary owed little
gratitude to Elizabeth, she was certainly still less
obliged to her royal relatives at that court, whose ex-
ertions at this moment were strenuously devoted to
the setting up a party in Scotland composed of her
enemies, the confederate lords. In accomplishing this,
they were ready to sacrifice the captive queen. It was
suggested that the government and the young prince
should be managed by a council of the lords, acting,
of course, under French influence ; and as for the
queen herself, De Croc the ambassador proposed to rid
them of her altogether, and shut her up in a French
convent. *
It is probable that the Scottish secretary had not
exaggerated these intentions of France, for we find,
that at this very time the greatest exertions were made
by the French king to secure the services of the Earl
of Moray, then at his court. *f- These splendid bribes
* Robertson's Appendix, No. xxii. Throckmorton to Cecil, Fastcastle,12th,
July, 1567.
\- MS. Letter, State-paper Office, French Correspondence, Norris to Eliza-
beth, Poissy, 2d July, 1567. Same to Cecil, MS. Letter, Poissy, 2d July,
1567. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Norris to Cecil, Paris, 16th
July, 1567. " * * Great is the travel and pain that hath been here taken
to win the Earl of Moray, offering both the Order, and great augmentation
of living; which, as he hath sent me word, he hath refused, lest, by taking
gifts, he should be bound where he is now free."
130 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
he steadily rejected ; but on the other hand, he was so
far from embracing the interests of Morton and his
associates, that he despatched one of his servants,
Nicholas Elphinston, on a mission to the Scottish
queen, assuring her of his devotion to her service.
Elphinston arrived in London a few days after
Throckmorton's departure for Scotland. He was there
admitted to a secret interview with Elizabeth, which
lasted for an hour, and his communication had the effect
of rendering her more favourable to Mary, and more
hostile to the confederate lords. There is a curious
piece of secret history connected with the interview
between this envoy of Moray and Elizabeth, which is
to be found in a letter of Mr Heneage, a gentleman of
the court, to Cecil. This person was in waiting in the
antechamber of the palace, when Elizabeth, after dis-
missing Moray's messenger, called him hastily and sent
him to Cecil. He was directed by her to inform the
prime minister, that Moray had despatched his servant
with letters to the Queen of Scotland, expressive of his
attachment, and offering his service ; that they were
to be delivered to her own hands, and not to be seen
by the confederates : and that he had in charge also to
remonstrate with them for their audacity in imprison-
ing their sovereign. But this was not all : the rest
of the commission given by the English queen to
Heneage, is still more interesting in furnishing us with
an admission, from her own lips, of that insidious deal-
ing which so often marked her policy. Tell Cecil, said
she, that he must instantly write a letter, in my name,
to my sister, to which I will set my hand, for I cannot
write it myself, as I have not " used her well and faith-
fully in these h'oken matters that be past. The pur-
port of it must be, to let her know that the Earl of
1567. MARY. 131
Moray never spoke diffamedly of her for the death of
her husband ; never plotted for the secret conveying of
the prince to England ; never confederated with the
lords to depose her : on the contrary, now in my sister's
misery let her learn from me the truth, and that is,
that she has not a more faithful and honourable ser-
vant in Scotland. 1 '* At this date, therefore, (July
eighth,) if we are to believe this evidence, and there
seems no good reason to question it, Moray was no
party to the schemes of the confederates. On the
contrary, he had declared himself against them, and
was resolved to support and defend the queen his
sovereign.
But to return to Throckmorton. This ambassador
proceeded from Fastcastle to the capital, accompanied
by Lord Hume, and an escort of four hundred horse.
The day after his arrival (July thirteenth) there was
a solemn fast held by the Reformed Church, the leaders
of which were decided enemies of the Scottish queen ;
and his first impressions gave him little hope, either
that he would be permitted to visit the royal captive,
or be able to do her much good."f* Nor did the con-
federate lords seem in any haste to have a conference
with him ; and when he accidentally met their leader
Morton, he excused himself from entering upon busi-
ness, as the day was devoted to sacred exercises.
Lethington, however, came to him in the evening, and
from the tone of his conversation, it was apparent to
the ambassador, that they were determined he should
not be allowed to see Mary. They had already, he
said, refused the French ambassador, and in the pre-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Mr T. Heneage to Cecil, From the court,
8th July, 1567.
t Throckmorton to the Queen, Edinburgh, 14th July, 1567, Robertson,
Appendix, No. xxii.
]32 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
sent state of things, they did not choose to irritate
France.
As to the probable fate of the unhappy prisoner,
Throckmorton found all things looking gloomily. Her
chief supporters, the party of the Hamiltons, were di-
vided in their councils, and almost equally treacherous
in their intentions with her more open enemies. Being
next heirs to the crown, it was generally believed that
they would have been glad to have got rid both of
Mary and the prince ; and if we may credit Throck-
morton, they only " made a show of the liberty of the
queen, that they might induce these lords to destroy
her, rather than they should recover her by violence
out of their hands." * Argyle was tampering with the
Lords of the Secret Council. Herries, though more
attached to her service, was not to be trusted when his
own interests came in the way ; the French king and
the queen-mother were ready to desert her, if they
could gain the confederates ; and, singular as the fact
may appear to those who have given credit to the at-
tacks of his opponents, her only true friend, at this
moment, was the Earl of Moray. He had despatched
Elphinston, as we have seen, to visit Mary and assure
her of his services, and this envoy arrived in the capital
much about the same time with Throckmortoii. But
when he requested to have access to the queen, and
deliver his letters, he received a peremptory denial.
It has been often asserted, and very commonly believed,
that from the first rising of the lords against Mary and
Bothwell, Moray was one of their party, in active cor-
respondence with them ; yet how are we to reconcile
this with his present attachment to Mary's interests,
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, 18th July, 1567. Also same to same, July
14, 1567. Both letters in Robertson's Appendix, No. zxii. And same to
same, June 19, 1567, Caligula, C. i. fol. 18.
1567. MARY. 133
his rejection of the offers of France, and the jealousy
with which she was regarded by the confederates. But
of all the enemies of the miserable queen, the most bit-
ter were the Presbyterian clergy and the people. In
the midst of their austerity and devotional exercises,
the ministers expressed themselves with deep indig-
nation against her, and looked forward with anxious
interest to their great ecclesiastical council, which was
to be held in eight days, and in which they had deter-
mined that the whole matter connected with the mur-
der and her imprisonment should be debated.
The more that Throckmorton investigated the state
of parties during this interval, the more he became
convinced of the hopelessness of his own interference,
and the imminent peril of Mary. So far were the
people from listening with any patience to the doctrines
of passive obedience, which Elizabeth had instructed
him to inculcate, that they took their stand on the
very opposite ground the responsibility of the prince,
and the power of the nation, to call their sovereign to
account for any crimes she might have committed.
" It is a public speech among all the people," (so wrote
the ambassador to Elizabeth,) " that their queen hath
no more liberty nor privilege to commit murder nor
adultery than any other private person, neither by
God's laws nor by the laws of the realm. 1 "* These
popular principles were now for the first time openly
and powerfully preached to the commons. Knox,
Craig, and the other ministers of the Reformed Church,
considered the pulpit and the press as the lawful
vehicles of their political as well as their religious
opinions; and the celebrated Buchanan, who had joined
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July 18, 1567, Robertson, Appendix, No.
xxii.
VOL. VII. I
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
the confederates, enforced the same doctrines with
uncommon vigour and ability. Their arguments were
grounded on the examples of wicked princes in the Old
Testament who were deposed and put to death for their
idolatry, and on alleged but disputable precedents in
their own history of similar severity exercised by sub-
jects against their sovereigns.* In consequence of all
these efforts, the few friends who had at first ventured
to defend the Scottish queen were silenced and intimi-
dated, and the public mind became inflamed to such a
state of madness and fury, that she began to think of
saving her life by retiring to a nunnery in France, or
living with the old Duchess of Guise.-f
At this moment Robert Melvil was for the third time
sent by the confederates to Lochleven, instructed to
make a last effort to prevail upon his mistress to re-
nounce Bothwell. By him Throckmortou found an
opportunity to convey a letter, in which he strongly
urged Mary to the same course. } But the mission
was completely unsuccessful : the queen, who believed
herself to be with child, declared her firm resolution
rather to die than desert her husband, and declare her
child illegitimate. She requested Melvil, at the same
time, to deliver a letter to the lords which implored
them to have consideration of her health, and to change
the place of her imprisonment to Stirling, where she
might have the comfort of seeing her son. She was
willing, she said, to commit the government of the
realm, either to the Earl of Moray alone, or to a council
of the nobility ; and proposed that, if they would not
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July 18, 1567, Robertson, Appendix, No
xxii.
t State-paper Office, Throckmorton to the Queen, July 16, 1567. Printed
by Laing, vol. ii. p. 122.
Robert Melvil's Declaration, Hopetoun MSS. Throckmorton to the
Queen, July 18, 1567, Robertson, Appendix, No. xxii.
1567. MARY. 135
obey her as their queen, they should regard her with
some favour as the mother of their prince, and the
daughter of their king. To this interview between
Mary and Melvil no one was admitted, and before he
took his leave she produced a letter, requesting him to
convey it to Bothwell. This he peremptorily refused,
upon which she threw it angrily into the fire.*
On his return to the capital, he found the animosity
against the queen at its height, and the English am-
bassador in despair of being able to restrain it from
some fatal excess. Many openly declared that no
power, either within or without the realm, should pre-
serve her from that signal punishment which her
notorious crimes deserved. Others, more moderate,
proposed to restore her to the royal dignity, if she con-
sented to divorce Bothwell ; some advised that she
should resign in favour of the prince, who might govern
by a council, whilst she retired for life to France. This
was A thole's scheme, and not disliked by Morton, but
to the majority of the privy- council it was unacceptable.
They deemed it indispensable that Mary should be
publicly arraigned and condemned to perpetual impri-
sonment as guilty of the king's murder, whilst some
went so far as to insist that she should not only be
condemned and degraded, but put to death. ^f*
When such was the state of public feeling, the
General Assembly of the Church convened in Edin-
burgh. | The Protestant clergy had already entered
into a strict coalition with Morton and the Lords of
the Secret Council, who now held the whole power of
* Melvil's Declaration, Hopetoun MSS.
t Caligula, C. i. fol. 18, MS. Letter, Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July
19, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Robert Melvil to Elizabeth Edinburgh,
July 29, 1567.
J36 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567
the government ; and the proceedings of their ecclesi-
astical tribunal partook of the rigorous and uncompro-
mising character of Knox and Buchanan, its leaders.
It was argued that the queen was guilty of crimes for
which she ought to forfeit her life, and there seemed
to be every probability that this dreadful result was
about to take place, had it not been for the interference
of Throckmorton, who, with the utmost earnestness,
remonstrated against such an extremity.* After
violent debates, a more moderate course was adopted.
Mary had (as we have seen) already intimated her
readiness to resign the government to the Earl of
Moray. It was now resolved to follow up the idea ;
and for this purpose Lord Lindsay, who had left Loch-
leven to attend the General Assembly, was despatched
thither in company with Robert Melvil. From this
nobleman, one of the fiercest zealots of his party, Mary
had everything to dread : her passionate menace to him
on the day she was taken prisoner at Carberry had not
been forgotten, and he was now selected as a man whom
she would hardly dare to resist. He carried with him
three instruments drawn up by the lords in their sove-
reign's name. By the first she was made to demit the
government of the realm in favour of her son, and to
give orders for his immediate coronation ; by the second,
she, in consequence of his tender infancy, constituted
her " dear brother," the Earl of Moray, regent of the
realm ; and by the third, she appointed the Duke, with
the Earls of Lennox, Argyle, Athole, Morton, Glen-
cairn, and Mar, regents of the kingdom till the return
of Moray from France, with power to continue in that
high office, if he refused it.^
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Robert Melvil to Elizabeth, Edinburgh,
29th July, 1567.
f Anderson, vol. ii. p. 208-220, inclusive.
1567. MARY. 137
Before Lindsay was admitted, Melvil had a private
interview with the queen, and assured her that her
refusal to sign the papers would endanger her life. Nor
was this going too far. It is certain that, had she
proved obstinate, the lords were resolved to bring her
to a public trial ; that they spoke with the utmost
confidence of her conviction for the king's murder, and
affirmed that they possessed proof of her guilt in her
own handwriting.* These threats and assertions were
in all probability communicated to his royal mistress
by Melvil ; and he insinuated that she ought to be the
less scrupulous, as any deed signed in captivity, and
under fear of her life, was invalid. He brought a mes-
sage to the same purpose from Athole and Lethington,
and a letter from Throckmorton.
It was a trying moment for Mary ; and for a short
time she resisted every entreaty, declaring passionately
that she would sooner renounce her life than her crown ;
but when Lindsay was admitted, his stern demeanour
at once terrified her into compliance. He laid the in-
struments before her; and with eyes filled with tears,
and a trembling hand she took the pen and signed the
papers without even reading their contents.^ It was
necessary, however, that they should pass the privy--
seal ; and here a new outrage was committed. The
keeper, Thomas Sinclair, remonstrated, and declared
that the queen being in ward, her resignation was in-
effectual; Lindsay attacked his house, tore the seal
from his hands, and compelled him by threats and
violence to affix it to the resignation, j
* MS. Letter, Throckmorton to Cecil, 25th July, 1567.' Caligula, C. i.
fol. 22.
f Spottiswood, p. 211.
* We owe the discovery of this fact to Mr Riddell, in a paper published
in " Black-wood's Magazine," for October, 1817.
138 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-
Having been so far successful, the lords hurried on
the consummation of their plans, and resolved without
delay to crown the prince, requesting Throckmorton's
presence at the ceremony, and despatching Sir James
Melvil to invite the Hamiltons. The English ambas-
sador, however, gave a peremptory refusal. Their
whole proceedings, he said, had been contrary to the
advice, and in contempt of the remonstrances of his
mistress.* The Hamiltons also declined; not, as they
commissioned Melvil to inform the confederate lords,
on the ground of their being enemies so far from this
they thanked them for their gentle message but simply
because, from the first, they had been made no party
to their intentions. It was their wish also, they said,
to present a protest, that this coronation should not
be prejudicial to the title of the Duke of Chastelherault
as next heir to the crown ; and their request having
been granted, they professed to offer no opposition.^
It was' determined that the coronation should be held
in the High Church at Stirling, and thither the con-
federate lords repaired; but on their arrival a collision
took place between the new and old opinions. The
clergy, of whom Knox was the great leader, insisted that
the king should not be anointed, but simply crowned,
anointing being a Jewish rite, and abrogated by the
gospel dispensation. Against this notion it was argued
that the custom was not a superstitious relic, but an
ancient solemnity recognised by the general usage of
Christendom; and after a bitter contest, the objection
was overruled, and the ceremonial proceeded, every
* Tbrockmorton to Elizabeth, Edinburgh, 26ih July, 1567. Stevenson's
Selections, illustrating the reign of Mary queen of Scotland, p. 251. The
Original is in the State-paper Office.
) Throckmorton to Elizabeth, Edinburgh, 31st July, 1567. Stevenson'*
Selections, p. 258.
1567. MARY. 139
endeavour having been made on the part of the lords
to make it as solemn and magnificent as possible. In
the procession Athole bore the crown, Morton the
sceptre, and Glencairn the sword, whilst Mar, his go-
vernor, carried the infant prince in his arms into the
church. The deeds of resignation by the queen were
read ; and Lindsay, and Ruthven, did not scruple to
attest upon oath that which they knew to be false, that
Mary's demission was her own free act. Knox then
preached the sermon ; the crown was placed on the
king's head by the Bishop of Orkney ; Morton, laying
his hand on the Gospels, took the oaths on behalf of
his sovereign, that he should maintain the reformed
O '
religion and extirpate heresy ; the lords swore alle-
giance, placing their hands on his head ; the burgesses
followed ; and, in conclusion, the Earl of Mar lifted the
monarch from the throne and carried him back to his
nursery in the castle.* At night, in the capital, the
blaze of bonfires, and universal mirth and dancing, at-
tested the joy of the people.^
A more extraordinary revolution was perhaps never
completed without bloodshed, and apparently with such
disproportionate means. A small section of the nobles
and the gentry, unsupported by foreign aid, with a
handful of soldiers, J at no time exceeding four hundred
men, opposed by the highest of the aristocracy, and
threatened with the hostility of England and France,
were seen to rise with appalling suddenness and
strength : they dispel their enemies ; they imprison
their sovereign ; they hesitate whether she shall not
be openly arraigned and executed; they compel her to
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, Edinburgh, 31st July, 1567, Stevenson,
p. 257. Calderwood, MS. Hist. p. 684, Ayscough, 4735.
f Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July 31, 1567.
J By " soldiers," is here meant regular waged troops.
140 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
resign her regal authority ; and they now, finally,
place the crown on the head of her son, an infant of a
year old, and possess themselves of the whole power of
the government. If we look for the cause of this ex-
traordinary success, it is to be traced chiefly, if not
altogether, to the unhappy infatuation and imprudence
of the queen. It was this that separated her friends,
strengthened the hands of her enemies, gave ample
field for the worst suspicions, and alienated from her
the hearts and sympathy of the people. But to re-
turn.
The first intelligence of these events was received
with the utmost indignation by Elizabeth. She had
already instructed Throckmorton to remonstrate with
the lords ; she had warned him to beware of giving his
presence or countenance to the coronation : she now
interdicted him from holding any farther intercourse,
as her ambassador, with men who had treated her with
such discourtesy and contempt, and declared " that she
would make herself a party against them to the revenge
of their sovereign, and an example to all posterity.""*
When her letters were delivered, the principal leaders,
Morton, Mar, Glencairn, Hume, and Lethington, had
come to Edinburgh, to await the arrival of Moray, to
whom they had despatched an envoy, informing him
of his having been chosen regent. Throckmorton, in
obedience to his mistress's commands, kept aloof; but
Tullibardine the comptroller, and brother-in-law to the
Earl of Mar, one of the interim regents, volunteered a
visit ; and, in the course of conversation on the late
events, unveiled a' scene of treachery upon the part of
the Hamiltons, who had hitherto supported the queen,
* Orig. Draft, State-paper Office, Instructions to Sir N. Throckmorton,
27th July, 1567. It is corrected in Cecil's hand.
1567. MARY. 141
which filled him with horror. The two great leaders
of this party were the Archbishop of St Andrew's
and the Abbot of Kilwinning ; and when the English
ambassador remonstrated upon the violence of the re-
cent proceedings, and threatened the Lords of the
Secret Council with hostility upon the part of Eliza-
beth, he was solemnly assured that a perseverance in
such a course, was the certain way to shorten Mary's
life. " Within the last forty-eight hours," said the
comptroller, " the Archbishop of St Andrew's, on the
part of the Hamiltons, has proposed to us to put the
queen to death. They have recommended this course
as the only certain method of reconciling all parties ;
and on our consenting to adopt it, they are ready to
join us to a man, and to bring Argyle and Huntley
along with them."
Throckmorton at first expressed his utter disbelief
that any men, who had hitherto borne a fair character,
could be guilty of such atrocious and cold-blooded
treachery. He argued also on the point of expediency,
that more profit might be made of the queen's life than
of her death. She might be divorced from Bothwell
and afterwards marry a son of the Duke's, or a brother
of Argyle's. To this, Tullibardine's answer was re-
markable. " My lord ambassador," said he, " these
matters you speak of have been in question amongst
them, but now they see not so good an outgait* by
any of those devices as by the queen's death. For she
being taken away, they account but the little king
betwixt them and home,-f- who may die. They love
not the queen, and they know she hath no great fancy
to any of them ; and they fear her the more, because
* Outgait outlet.
( The Hamiltons were nearest heirs to the crown, failing Mary and her
son. Home here means the succesion to the throne.
142 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
she is young and may have many children, which is
the thing they would be rid of."* Throckmorton,
however, persevered in his incredulity, and that same
evening the secretary Lethington held a secret confer-
ence with him, in whichhe assured him that Tullibardine
had stated nothing but the truth. I think it right, as
these are new facts in this part of our history, involving
a charge of unwonted perfidy even in this age, to give
the particulars of this extraordinary conversation in
the words of the ambassador to Elizabeth. " The same
day," said he, (he is describing the events of the seventh
of August,) " the Lord of Lethington came to visit me
on behalf of all the lords. He demanded of me when
I heard from your majesty, and what was the matter
why I had sent to Stirling for audience. * * I an-
swered, to let the lords and him understand what your
majesty did think of their rash proceedings, finding
the matter very strange in this hasty sort to proceed
with a queen, their sovereign, being a prince anointed,
not having imparted their intent to your majesty. * *
"For answer, the Laird of Lethington said, 'My
Lord Ambassador, these lords did think their cause
could suffer no delays; and as for imparting their pur-
poses to the queen's majesty your sovereign, they
doubted that neither she would allow that which was
meet for them to do, neither could take any of their
doings in good part. And where you have charged
us with deprivation of the queen from her royal estate,
it doth .appear by such instruments as I sent you from
Stirling, that we have not denuded the queen of her
regality, but she hath voluntarily relinquished the same
to her son.' I asked him," continued Throckmorton,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Throckmorton to Elizabeth, Edinburgh,
9th August, 1567.
1567. MARY. 143
" what free will there might be, or uncompulsory con-
sent, for a prisoner, and such a one as every day looked
for to lose her life ? ' Yea,' said he, ' it is you that
seek to bring it to pass, what show soever the queen
your mistress, or you, do make to save her life, or set
her at liberty. For the Hamiltons and you concur
together; you have nothing in your mouths but liberty,
and nothing less in your hearts. My Lord Ambassa-
dor, (he continued,) I have heard what you have said
unto me; I assure you, if you should use this speech
unto them, which you do unto me, all the world could
not save the queen's life three days to an end; and as
the case now standeth, it will be much ado to save her
life. 1
" I said, ' My Lord of Lethington, if you remember,
I told you, at my first coming hither, when I under-
stood you minded the coronation of her son, that when
you had touched her dignity, you would touch her life
shortly after. 1 * * * ' Well, my Lord, 1 said he,
' I trust you do not take me to be one that doth thirst
my sovereign's blood, or that would stain my conscience
with the shedding of the same ? You know how I have
proceeded with you since your coming hither. I have
given you the best advice I could to prevent extremity ;
and either the queen your sovereign will not be ad-
vised, or you do forbear to advise her. I say unto you,
as I am a Christian man, if we which have dealt in
this action would consent to take the queen's life from
her, all the lords which hold but and lie aloof from us,
would come and conjoin with us within these two days.
This morning the Bishop of St Andrews and the Abbot
of Kilwinning have sent a gentleman unto us for that
purpose. And likewise the Earl of Huntley hath sent
Duncan Forbes, within this hour, to conclude with us
144 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
upon the same ground: and, to be plain with you, there
be very few amongst ourselves which be of any other
opinion.' "
Throckmorton then began to use persuasions to dis-
suade them from such a fearful extremity. Upon which
Lethington assured him, that, as far as he himself was
concerned, there needed no argument but he added,
emphatically, " ' How can you satisfy men that the
queen shall not become a dangerous party against them
in case she live and come to liberty f I said, ' Divorce
her from Bothwell.' He said, 'We cannot bring it to
pass ; she will in no wise hear of the matter. 1 " The
conversation was then broken off by Sir James Balfour
coming in to carry Lethington to the council, who were
waiting for him.*
It is clear, then, that at this moment the Hamiltons .
instead of being friends to the unhappy queen, as they
are represented in our popular historians, were acting
towards her with treachery and cruelty; they were
ready to sacrifice her to their own dreams of ambition,*}-
and the life of Mary was in the most imminent peril. |
The remonstrances and arguments of Throckmorton,
however, so far prevailed, that it was agreed the fatal
blow should be suspended till the arrival of the Earl
of Moray.
To this remarkable man, on whose movements so
much depended, all eyes were now turned, and his
future conduct became the subject of much discussion.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Throckmorton to Elizabeth, 9th August,
1567.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Throckmorton to Leicester, Edinburgh,
9th August, 1567.
Keith, p. 436, has fallen into the error of representing the band or agree-
ment of the party of the Hamiltons at Dumbarton, as having been entered
into about the 29th July, instead of the 29th June, which is its true date, as
seen on the original instrument in the State-paper Office. In Mr Dawson
Turner's volume of MS. Scottish letters, there is a copy of the same deed,
with the correct date, 29th June.
1567. MARY. 345
He had been elected regent. Would he accept this
high office, which, considering the divided state of
parties, brought with it so many difficulties? What
were his sentiments as to the extraordinary events
which had lately taken place? The deposition and
captivity of his sovereign, the coronation of the prince,
the remonstrances of England, the efforts of France,
above all, the guilt and punishment of the queen, now
so strongly urged by that party of the Reformed Church
with whom he had hitherto acted ? All this was field
for fearful conjecture to some for anxious speculation
to all; and Moray's was a character not easily fathomed,
which often concealed purposes of great weight and
determination under a blunt and open manner. He had
now been absent from Scotland for nearly four months,
and it is certain that, when Morton and the Lords of the
Secret Council first planned that revolution, (fourteenth
May,) which ended so fatally to Mary, they had se-
cretly communicated with him. The exact nature of
that communication we know not, but it was reported
that he approved of their designs ; and a month later,
after the imprisonment of the queen, they again entered
into correspondence with him; once more, about a
fortnight later ; and once again, after the resignation
of the queen, this correspondence was renewed. These
facts are undoubtedly calculated to excite suspicion,
and we are not to be surprised if, in the heat of the
controversy which has agitated this portion of our
history, it has been argued from them that Moray not
only approved of, but directed all the plans of the con-
spirators. But the inquirer after truth dares notadvance
so rapidly. All that is proved amounts to the fact,
that the lords of the confederacy against Mary, from
the first, were anxious to gain him. Indeed, his election
146 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI. 1567.
to the regency showed how far they were ready to go
to secure him : but of his answers to their letters we
know nothing. It is also worthy of remark, that on
the only occasion when we can detect a message sent
to them by Moray, it was hostile to his reputed friends.
Elphinston, whom we have seen deputed by him to
communicate with his imprisoned mistress and her
captors, brought an assurance of such comfort and
loyalty to Mary, and so severe a remonstrance to the
lords, that they interdicted him from seeing the queen
until they had made up their minds to depose her or
to put her to death. Such a message could not have
proceeded from an associate.
On being informed of his election to the regency,
Moray prepared to leave France, and his intentions at
this moment formed an object of the deepest interest
to the court of England, and the Tuilleries. Elizabeth
was naturally anxious to preserve the influence she had
hitherto exerted in the affairs of Scotland. She con-
sidered her hold over the measures of that country as
an essential part of the great system for the support
of Protestantism in Europe. At the same time, how-
ever, she was highly incensed at the Lords of the Secret
Council for their deposition of their sovereign : their
conduct, in her opinion, was insulting to the majesty
of the crown, and destructive of all principles of good
government; and as she had determined to exert her-
self to procure the liberty of the captive queen, she
was anxious to secure Moray in the same service. Such
were the feelings of Elizabeth.
The court of France, on the other hand, was equally
anxious to preserve, or rather to recover, the influence
it once held over Scotland ; and at first the king de-
clared that he would strain every effort to have Mary
1567. MARY. 147
and the prince brought into his kingdom : but this idea
was soon abandoned. The Scottish queen had never
been a favourite with the queen-mother; and provided
they gained the confederate lords, in whose hands at
this moment was the whole power of the government,
and enlisted Moray in their interest, the French soon
came to care little whether the queen remained a cap-
tive or was set at liberty. High bribes were offered
him before his departure, and when he resisted these
entreaties, and it began to be rumoured that he leant
to the side of England, every impediment was thrown
in the way of his return. * But such difficulties were
overcome by his prudence and firmness. Without
binding himself to France in any specific agreement,
he assured the king of his desire to use every exertion
for the deliverance of his sovereign; and left the court
with Monsieur de Lignerolles, who was ordered to
accompany him. Of this person the avowed object
was to carry a message from the French king to the
Lords of the Secret Council ; but his real errand was
to watch the proceedings of the regent-elect, and hurry
him on to Scotland, without giving him time to com-
municate with Elizabeth, -f
At this moment, when on the eve of leaving France,
Moray was informed, probably by Elphinston, his own
servant, of the alleged proofs of Mary^ guilt, which
had been discovered by her enemies in Scotland; his
informant stating, that he had seen and read a letter
of the Scottish queen to Bothwell, which proved that
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Norris to Cecil, Poissy, 2d July, 1567,
French Correspondence. MS. Letter, original, State-paper Office, Norris to
Cecil, July 16, 1567, French Correspondence. Also Norris to Elizabeth,
July 23, 1567. Stevenson's Selections, p. 243.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office. French Correspondence, Norris to Cecil,
Paris, July 16, 1567.
148 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
she was privy to her husband's murder. * Hitherto
the accusations against his sovereign had been vague
and unsupported by proof; but if this were true, and
if she still obstinately refused to renounce Bothwell,
it appeared clear to him that her immediate restoration
to liberty was impossible. At the same time, this
intelligence necessarily worked a change in Moray's
feelings more favourable to the confederate lords, and
more severe towards his sovereign ; so that, on his
arrival at the English court, his -interview with the
queen was angry and unsatisfactory : Elizabeth ex-
pressed herself determined to restore the imprisoned
queen, and to punish the audacious subjects w r ho had
dethroned her. Against this dictatorial tone, Moray's
spirit rose, and the queen, who expected implicit obe-
dience, upbraided him with such severity, that she shook
his affection towards England, a result much deplored
by Bedford and Throckmorton. These able persons,
and her chief minister Cecil, who were intimately ac-
quainted with the state of the two parties, had earnestly
enforced on the queen the necessity of leaving Mary
to her fate, and encouraging the lords who had deposed
her : they considered her cause to be desperate ; and
they believed such a course to be the only likely way
to prevent these men from throwing themselves into
the arms of the French king, who had made them
flattering advances, and was ready to desert the Scot-
tish queen. It was to the honour of Elizabeth that
she repudiated this advice, refused to abandon the
cause of the captive princess, and perceiving the
* Gonzalez Apuntamientos. p. 323. From a letter of Norris to Cecil,
MS. State-paper Office, 23d July, 1567, French Correspondence, it appears
that Moray left the French court at that time. Also Throckmorton to Cecil,
August 2, 1567. Stevenson's Selections, p. 263.
1567. MARY. 149
change in Moray's mind, dismissed him with no kindly-
feeling. *
On the eighth of August he reached Berwick, ac-
companied by De Lignerolles. Here he was the guest
of Bedford, his ancient friend and associate ; and was
met by two envoys from the lords of the confederacy,
Sir James Makgill lord clerk-register, and the well-
known Sir James Melvil : the first was the representa-
tive of that section who were most determined against
the queen; the other was deputed by that more moderate
class who wished to spare her life, and contemplated
the possibility of her restitution. Both of these were
fully able to inform him of the state of parties ; and
Makgill, who had been a principal actor in the deposi-
tioa of his sovereign, and knew all that could be urged
against her, explained to him their whole proceedings,
and urged the absolute necessity of his accepting the
regency. Moray, however, refused to commit himself;
and, pursuing his journey, was met at the Bound Rode,
the line which separates the two countries, by a troop
of four hundred noblemen and gentlemen who had
assembled to honour his arrival. From thence he rode
to Whittingham.
It was only a year and a half before, that in this
fatal house the conference had been held between Leth-
ington, Bothwell, and Morton, in which the king^s
murder was determined. Bothwell was now a fugitive
and an outlaw ; but his associates in guilt, the same
Lethington and Morton, now received Moray at Whit-
tingham, and cordially sympathized with him, when
he expressed his horror for the crime, and his resolu-
tion to avenge it.
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, 10th Aug. 1567.
Also, 13th August, 1567, B.C., Bedford to Cecil. Also, MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, B.C., 1st August, 1567, Bedford to Cecil.
VOL. VII. K
150 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
After a night's rest, the regent-elect proceeded to
the capital, which he entered next day, surrounded by
the nobility, and amid the. acclamations of the citizens.
Here for two days he employed himself unremittingly
in examining the state of the two factions, holding
consultations with his friends, and acquiring the best
information as to the difficulties he might have to en-
counter in accepting the high office which was offered
him. He had already held an interview with Throck-
morton the English ambassador, who met him for this
purpose a few miles from Edinburgh; and to this able
judge, who had no interest to blind him, Moray ap-
peared to be acting with sincerity and honour. He
was already aware of the general nature of De Ligne-
rolles' message to the lords of the confederacy ; and in
the secret consultations which he held with these per-
sons, the whole history of their proceedings must have
been laid before him. From them he now learnt the
full extent of Mary's infatuation and alleged guilt ; the
proofs and letters which, as they asserted, convicted
her of participation in her husband's murder, were now,
no doubt imparted to him ; and he was made aware of
the stern determination which many of them had em-
braced, of bringing her to a public trial, and, if con-
victed, putting her to death. As to the difficulties of
his situation, the faction of the Hamiltons and the
hostility of Elizabeth were the principal obstacles in
his way ; but the first were divided in their councils,
and the English queen would soon, he trusted, be in-
duced by Cecil to remove her opposition. On the whole,
he felt almost resolved to accept the regency, but one
point made him still hesitate. The demission of the
crown, the deeds which nominated himself, and sanc-
tioned the coronation of the prince, were said to have
1567. MARY. 151
been extorted from Mary. If true, this would vitiate
his title to the office, and he requested permission to
see the queen in Lochleven, before he gave his final
answer. This demand startled the lords, and some
thought it would be injudicious to grant it. To Throck-
morton the English ambassador, he had expressed
himself with great commiseration towards the captive
princess, and they dreaded the consequences of his pity
or sympathy.
At last, however, they consented ; and, on the fifteenth
of August, Moray, in company with Morton, Athole,
and Lord Lindsay, visited the queen in her prison.
It was a remarkable and affecting interview. Mary
received them with tears, and passionately complained
of her wrongs. Then taking Moray aside, before sup-
per, she eagerly questioned him as to the intentions of
the lords, and in vain endeavoured to fathom his own.
Contrary to his usual open and frank demeanour, he
was gloomy, silent, and reserved. When the bitter
meal had past, she again spoke to him in private; and,
torn by fear and suspense, pathetically described her
sufferings. He was her brother, she said, her only
friend, he must know her fate, for he was all-powerful
with her enemies ; would he now withhold his counsel
and assistance in this extremity of her sorrow? What
was she tp look for? She knew some thirsted for her
blood. In the end, she implored him to keep her no
longer in doubt, but to speak out ; and, even were it
to criminate her, to use all freedom and plainness.*
Thus urged, Moray, without mitigation or disguise,
laid before her the whole history of her misgovernment ;
using a severity of language, and earnestness of rebuke,
more suited (to use a phrase of Throckmorton's) to a
* Throckmorton to the Queen, Aug. 20, 1567. Keith, p. 444.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
ghostly confessor, than a counsellor: her ill-advised
marriage with Darnley, her hasty love, her sudden
estrangement, the dark scene of his murder, the mani-
fest guilt of Bothwell, his pretended trial, his unjust ac-
quittal, her infatuated passion, her shameless marriage,
her obstinate adherence to the murderer, the hatred of
her subjects, her capture, her imprisonment, the allega-
tions of the lords that they could convict her by her
own letters of being accessory to the murder, their
determination to bring her to a public trial, and to put
her to an ignominious death ; all these points were
insisted on, with a severity and plainness, to which the
queen had seldom been accustomed, and the dreadful
picture plunged the unhappy sufferer into an agony of
despair. Throughout the dismal recital, she-interrupted
him by extenuations, apologies, confessions, and some-
times by denials. The conversation had been prolonged
till past midnight ; and Mary, weeping and clinging
to the nope of life, again and again implored her bro-
ther's protection : but Moray was unmoved, or, at least,
he judged it best to seem so, and retired to his chamber,
bidding her seek her chief refuge in the mercy of God.*
Next morning, at an early hour she sent for him,
and perceiving the impression he had made, he assumed
a milder mood, threw in some words of consolation,
and assured her that, whatever might be the conduct
of others, to save her life he was ready to sacrifice his
own ; but, unfortunately, the decision lay not with
him alone, but with the lords, the church, and the
people. Much also depended on herself; if she at-
tempted an escape, intrigued to bring in the French or
the English, and thus disturbed the quiet government
of her son, or continued in her inordinate affection to
* Ibid, ut supra.
1 567. MARY. 153
Bothwell, she need not expect to live ; if she deplored
her past sins, showed an abhorrence for the murder of
her husband, and repented her former life with Both-
well, then might he hold out great hope that those in
whose power she now lay would spare her life. As to
her liberty he said, in conclusion, that was at present
out of the question. He had, as yet, only a single
voice in the state, like other nobles ; it was therefore
not in his power to procure it, nor would it be for her
interest at this moment to desire it. It was Mary's
weakness (in the present case we can hardly call it
such) to be hurried away by impulses. She had passed
the night under the dreadful conviction that her fate
was decided, that she had but a short time to live. She
now discerned a gleam of hope, and, starting from her
seat, took Moray in her arms, and urged him to accept
the regency, as the best and safest course for herself,
her son, and her kingdom. He declined it, she again
pressed it on him ; he gave his reasons against undertak-
ing so arduous a task. She replied, and insisted, that
the service of his sovereign and his country ought to
outweigh every selfish motive. He at last assented ;
the queen then suggested that his first efforts should
be directed to get all the forts into his hands, and re-
quested him to take her jewels, and other articles of
value, into his custody, as her only way of preserving
them. On taking leave, she embraced and kissed him
with tears, and sent by him her blessing to her son.
Moray then turned to Lindsay, Ruthven, and Loch-
leven, and recommending them to treat their royal
mistress with all gentleness, left the castle. *
Having thus effected his purpose, with much address
* Throckmorton to the Queen, Aug. 20, 166*7. British Museum, Caligula,
C. i. fol. xxviii. Printed by Keith, p. 444.
154 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
and some little duplicity, Moray and his companions
repaired to Stirling to 'visit the prince. Here they
remained until the evening of the nineteenth of August,
when they returned to the capital ; and, on the twenty-
second, he was solemnly declared regent. The ceremony
of his inauguration was held in the council-chamber
within the Tolbooth, where, in presence of the Lords
of the Secret Council, the nobility, spirituality, and
commissioners of burghs, the instruments granted by
the queen were publicly read. After this, the earl
delivered an oration, in which he alluded to his own
unfitness for so high an office, accepted the charge, and
took the oath with his hand upon the Gospels. He
swore that, to the utmost of his power, he would serve
God, according to his holy Word revealed in the New
and Old Testament ; that he would maintain the true
religion as it was then received within that realm;
that he would govern the people according to the an-
cient and loveable laws of the kingdom ; procure peace,
repress all wrong, maintain justice and equity, and root
out from the realm all heretics and enemies to the true
Church of God.* He was then proclaimed, amid uni-
versal acclamations, at the cross of Edinburgh, and
throughout all the counties and burghs of the kingdom.
Information of this event was instantly sent to the
Earl of Bedford at Berwick, who next day communi-
cated it to Cecil, -f*
* Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. pp. 252, 253.
t Bedford to Cecil, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Aug. 23, 1567,
Berwick. Also, Throckmorton to Cecil, August 23, 1567. Stevenson's
Selections, p. 289.
1 567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 155
CHAP. III.
REGENCY OF THE EARL OF MORAY.
15671569.
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
England. I France.
Elizabeth. 1 Charles IX.
Germany.
Maximilian II.
Spain. 1 Portugal. \ Pope.
Philip II. | Sebastian. 1 Pius V.
IMMEDIATELY after his acceptance of the government,
Moray invited Throckmorton to a conference. He
obeyed, and found the regent and Secretary Lethington
sitting together, upon which he conveyed to them "in
as earnest and vehement a form as he could set it forth,"
the queen his mistress 1 severe disapproval of their recent
conduct. To this remonstrance Maitland made a bold
reply. He renounced, for himself and his colleagues,
all intention of harm to the person and honour of his
royal mistress in their late proceedings. " So far from
it," said he, " Mr Ambassador, that we wish her to be
queen of all the world ; but now she is in the state of
a person in the delirium of a fever, who refuses every-
thing which may do her good, and requires all that
may work. her harm. Be assured nothing will be more
prejudicial to her interest, than for your mistress to
precipitate matters. It may drive us to a strait, and
compel us to measures we would gladly avoid. Hitherto
have we been content to be charged with grievous and
infamous titles ; we have quietly suffered ourselves to
156 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
be condemned as perjured rebels and unnatural traitors,
rather tban proceed to anything that might touch our
sovereign's honour. But beware, we beseech you, that
your mistress, by her continual threats and defama-
tions, by hostility, or by soliciting other princes to
attack us, do not push us beyond endurance. Think
not we will lose our lives, forfeit our lands, and be
challenged as rebels throughout the world, when we
have the means to justify ourselves. And if there be
no remedy but your mistress will have war, sorry
though we be, far rather will we take our fortune, than
put our queen to liberty in her present mood, resolved
as she is to retain and defend Bothwell, to hazard the
life of her son, to peril the realm, and to overthrow her
nobility."*
" For your wars," he continued, " we know them
well : you will burn our Borders, and we shall burn
yours :, if you invade us, we do not dread it, and are
sure of France; for your practices to nourish dissension
amongst us, we have an eye upon them all. The Ha-
miltons will take your money, laugh you to scorn, and
side with us. At this moment we have the offer of
an agreement with them in our hands. The queen,
your mistress, declares she wishes not only for our
sovereign's liberty, and her restoration to her dignity,
but is equally zealous for the preservation of the king,
the punishment of the murder, and the safety of the
lords. To accomplish the first, our queen's liberty,
much has been done ; for the rest, absolutely nothing.
Why does not her majesty fit out some ships of war,
to apprehend Bothwell, and pay a thousand soldiers
to reduce the forts and protect the king ? When this
is in hand, we shall think her sincere ; but for her
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, Aug. 22, 1567. Keith, p. 448.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 157
charge to set our sovereign forthwith at liberty, and
restore her to her dignity, it is enough to reply to such
strange language, that we are the subjects of another
prince, and know not the queen's majesty for our sove-
reign."*
As soon as Lethington had concluded, Throckmorton,
turning to Moray, expressed a hope that such senti-
ments would at least not meet his approval. He was
not "banded" with these lords, he had committed none
of their excesses. But Moray was now secure : he had
little to fear from Elizabeth, nothing from France, and
his answer was as decided, though more laconic than
the secretary's. " Truly, my lord Ambassador," said
he, " methinks you have had reason at the Laird of
Lethingtons hands. It is true, that I have not been
at the past doings of these lords, yet I must commend
what they have done ; and seeing the queen my sove-
reign and they have laid on me the charge of the
regency, a burden I would gladly have avoided, I 'am
resolved to maintain their action, and will reduce all
men to obedience in the king's name, or it shall cost
me my life."-f-
The ambassador had been long aware that his further
stay in Scotland would be totally useless. He had
earnestly solicited his recall ; and Elizabeth now agreed
to it, but ordered him first to make a last remonstrance
in favour of the captive queen, and to request to be
admitted to her presence. This, as he had looked for,
was peremptorily refused by Moray. They had ex-
cluded De Lignerolles, the French ambassador, he said,
who had so lately left them ; and it was impossible to
admit him : for the rest of his message from the Queen
* Throckmorton to Elizabeth, August 22, 1567, printed by Keith, p. 448,
from original, Caligula, C. i. fol. xxxii.
f Ibid, ut supra.
158 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
of England, the regent, after his usual fashion, replied
to it with great brevity : as to his acceptance of the
government the deed was done ; for calumny he cared
little, and would use none other defence than a good
conscience and a sincere intention; to satisfy the queen
that his mistress had consented, he could only say,
that he had her own word and signature ; for her
liberty, its being granted depended upon accidents ; and
as to her condition after Bothweirs apprehension, it
would be idle, he said, to bargain far the bear's skin
before they had him. The ambassador, before he took
his leave, was pressed to accept a present of plate in
the name of the king. This was declined in strong
terms, and on the twenty-ninth of August, he left the
capital for England.
Moray now addressed himself with characteristic de-
cision and courage to the cares of government ; and, to
use Throckmortons expressive phrase, "-went stoutly
to work, resolved rather to imitate those who had led
the people of Israel than any captains of that age." *
He instantly despatched the Laird of Grange, and
Murray of Tullibardine, with three armed ships, in pur-
suit of Both well, who, after lurking in the north, and
in vain attempting to make a party in these remote
districts, had fled to Orkney and turned pirate, -f*
He next employed the most vigorous measures to com-
pel the whole kingdom to acknowledge the king's
government ; to secure himself against attack if Eliza-
beth should meditate it, and to keep up pacific relations
with France, which, from the tone all along assumed
* Throckmorton to Cecil, August 20, 1567, in Stevenson's Selections, p.
282.
+ Throckmorton to Cecil, August 26, 1567, Stevenson's Selections, p.
294. Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, Berwick,
September 11, 1567.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 159
by De Lignerolles, he was assured would not be difficult.
The Hamiltons had made some feeble attempts to pre-
vent the regent being proclaimed within their bounds ;
but they acted with no fixed plan, had no leader of
ability, and gave him little anxiety.*
A large proportion of the nobles who had hitherto
been hostile or neutral now sent in their adherence to
his government ; and Sir James Balfour, the governor
of the castle of Edinburgh, delivered that fortress into
his hands. This infamous man was the intimate friend
of Bothwell, and a principal actor in the king's murder.
It might have been expected that Moray, who had
lately expressed so much horror for that deed, and so
determined a resolution to avenge it, would have been
the last to overlook the crime in one of the principal
conspirators ; but, like other ambitious men, he could
make his conscience give way to his interest, as the
treaty in question completely proved. Its first stipu-
lation was, that Balfour should have an ample remission
as an accomplice in the murder ; the next, that before
he gave up the keys of the castle, five thousand pounds
should be paid down ; the last, that he himself should
have the Priory of Pittenweem, and his son an annuity.
All this was agreed to, apparently without difficulty,
and only two days after his assuming the regency,
Moray in person took possession of the castle.-f-
As if to cover the shame of this transaction, the
regent made unusual exertions to seize some of the
inferior delinquents. Previous to his arrival in Scot-
land, Captain Blacater had been taken and executed :
he now apprehended John Hay of Tallo, a page of the
* Throckmorton to the Queen, Aug. 23, 156 7, Stevenson's Selections, p. 291.
j- MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Throckmorton to Cecil, August 26, 1567.
History of James the Sext, p. 18.
160 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
king's called Durham, black John Spens, John Bla-
cater, and James Edmonson.* The guilt of Tallo, as
a principal agent in the murder, was completely proved,
but his examination threw Moray into great perplexity,
for, to use Bedford's words to Cecil, he not only " opened
the whole device of the murder," but " declared who
were the executioners of the same, and went so far as
to touch a great many, not of the smallest." -f- We
have already seen that Lethington, Morton, and Ar-
gyle, three of the most powerful men in Scotland, were
either accomplices in the assassination, or consenting
to its perpetration ; and there can be no doubt that they,
amongst others, were implicated in Tallo's confession.
But in what manner was Moray to proceed ? It was
these very men who had placed him in the regency ;
with them he now acted familiarly and confidentially :
their cause could not with safety be separated from his
own. He might indeed attempt to seize and punish
them, but such was their strength, that it would be at
the risk of being plucked down from his high office by
the same hands which had built him up. The truth,
however, probably was, that Moray had been long
aware of the true character of the persons by whose
successful guilt he now profited, and had determined
to favour the higher culprits, whilst he let loose the
vengeance of the law upon the lesser delinquents. He
could not prevent the people, however, and all the more
honest part of the nation, from arraigning such inter-
ested conduct ; but he little heeded these murmurs ; and
for the present Hay's examination was suppressed, and
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, September 5,
1567. And same to same, September, 11, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, September 16',
1567.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 161
his trial indefinitely postponed : Durham the king's
page also was kept in prison in irons.*
The regent now summoned the castle of Dunbar,
which was still held for Bothwell by one of his retainers.
Its governor affected to resist, but Moray bombarded
it in person, and in a few days the garrison capitulated.
A last effort of the Hamiltons to get up a resistance
was only made to be abandoned ; Argyle, who had
encouraged it, submitted, bringing with him Boyd,
Livingston, and the Abbot of Kilwinning. This last
person was deputed by the Archbishop of St Andrew's,
the leader of the Hamiltons, to make his peace ;
Huntley and Herries, much about the same time, gave
in their adherence to the king's government ; and the
regent, on the fifteenth of September, informed his
friend Cecil that the whole realm was quiet.-f-
In the midst of these transactions, Grange returned
unsuccessful from his pursuit of Bothwell. He had
boasted to Bedford, that he would either bring back
the murderer or lose his life in the attempt ; but, in
giving chase, Grange's ship, one of the largest in the
Scottish navy, struck upon a sand-bank, and although
he boarded and brought home with him one of Both-
well's vessels, the earl himself, in a lighter craft, escaped
to Norway. In one respect the expedition was impor-
tant, as Hepburn of Bolton, an accomplice in the king's
murder, was seized in the ship, and, by his confession,
threw additional light on that dark transaction. For
the present, however, his revelations were not suffered
to be known. J
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, September 17, 1567, Occurrents out of
Scotland.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, IGth September,
1 567. MS. Ibid, proceedings of the Hamiltons, 1 7th September, J 567. Also
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, 15th September, 1567.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 1 1th September, 1567. Moray to Cecil.
162 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-
Moray now summoned a parliament, (December fif-
teenth,) the proceedings of which evince the new re-
gent's complete connexion and sympathy with the party
of the Reformed Church, and demand especial attention.
It has been asserted that it was thinly attended, but the
remark can only apply to the bishops, who represented
the ecclesiastical estate, of whom but four appeared,
Moray, Galloway, Orkney, and Brechin. There were
present, however, fourteen abbots, twelve earls, sixteen
lords and masters, the name given to lords 1 eldest sons,
and twenty-seven commissioners of burghs.* The
discussions were opened in a speech by Lethington, of
which a copy still remains in his own handwriting, and
it were to be wished that its truth and sincerity had
been equal to its talent. He alluded to the vast im-
portance of the crisis in which they met, and the sub-
jects upon which they were about to legislate, any one
of which would, he said, have been enough to have
occupied a parliament. These were, the establishing
a uniform religion ; the acknowledgment of the just
authority of the king in consequence of the queen's free
demission of the crown in his favour ; the sanction to
be given to the appointment of a regent chosen to act
in the king's minority; the reuniting the minds of
the nobility ; the punishment of the cruel murder of
the late king, their sovereign's father; and many other
disorders requiring the grave consideration of their
lordships. Upon these heads, he said, he would not
dilate, but two points he must not omit, both tending
to their great comfort, and calling for deep gratitude.
The first was, the success which, in matters of religion,
Also Melvil's Memoirs, p. 186. Also 16th September, MS. Letter. B.C.,
Bedford to Cecil.
* Anderson, vol. ii. pp. 228, 229, 230. Abo MS. State-paper Office,
December 15, 1567.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 163
had followed such comparatively small beginnings ;
the second, their happy fortune in having in the regent
a nobleman so excellently qualified to carry their or-
dinances into execution, whether they related to the
church or the commonwealth. "As to religion," said
he, " the quietness you presently enjoy, declares suffi-
ciently the victory that God by his Word has obtained
among you, within the space of eight or nine years ;
how feeble the foundation was in the eyes of men, how
unlikely it was to rise so suddenly to so large and huge
a greatness, with what calmness the work has proceeded,
not one of you is ignorant. Iron has not been heard
within the house of the Lord, that is to say, the whole
has been builded, set up, and erected to this greatness,
without bloodshed. Note it, I pray you, as a singular
testimony of God's favour, and a peculiar benefitgranted
only to the realm of Scotland, not as the most worthy,
but chosen out by His providence from among all na-
tions, for causes hid and unknown to us, and to fore-
show His almighty power, that the true religion has
obtained a free course universally throughout the whole
realm, and yet not a Scotsman's blood shed in the
forthsetting of the whole quarrel. With what nation
in the earth has God dealt so mercifully ? Consider the
progress of religion from time to time in other countries
Germany, Denmark, England, France, Flanders,
or where you please : you shall find the lives of many
thousands spent before they could purchase the tenth
part of that liberty whereunto we have attained, as it
were sleeping upon down beds."*
When we recollect the events of the few last years
the rising of Moray against the queen's marriage,
* MS. State-paper Office. An Oration of the Lord of Lethington, at the
Parliament of Scotland, December 1567, in Lethington's own hand.
164 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-
the murder of Riccio, the flight of Morton, the assas-
sination of Darnley, the confederacy against Bothwell,
and the imprisonment of the queen, all of them events
more or less connected with the establishment of the
Reformation in Scotland and remember also that
Lethington was deeply engaged in them all, it is
certainly difficult which most to condemn the gross
inaccuracy of this picture, or the hardihood evinced
by its coming from his lips.
But to return to the proceedings of the parliament.
The committee of the Lords of the Articles having
been chosen,* the three Estates sanctioned the queen's
demission of the crown, the king's coronation, and the
appointment of Moray to the regency. The Pope's
authority was next abolished, the Act to that effect
passed in the disputed parliament of 1560, being so-
lemnly ratified. All laws repugnant to the Word of
God were annulled ; and the " Confession of Faith,""
which had been already read and approved of in a for-
mer parliament, was 'sanctioned and published. All
heretics and hearers of mass were made liable to punish-
ment, confiscation of moveables being declared the
penalty for the first offence, banishment for the second,
and death for the third. Such persons as opposed the
Confession of Faith, or refused to receive the sacra-
ments after the Presbyterian form, were declared to be
no members of the Church of Christ. The examination
and admission of ministers was declared a prerogative
inherent in the Church, but to lay patrons was con-
tinued the power of presentation, with an appeal to the
* It was composed of the Bishops of Moray, Galloway, and Orkney ; the
Abbots of Dunfermline, Melrose, Newbottle, Balmerino, St Colm's Inch,
Pittenweem, and Portmoak ; the Earls of Huntley, Argyle, Morton, Athole,
Glencairn, Mar, and Caithness ; the Lords Hume, Lindsay, and Sempil ; with
the Provosts of Edinburgh, Dundee, Montrose, Aberdeen, St Andrew's,
Cupar, Stirling, and Ayr.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 165
General Assembly, if their nomination of a qualified
person was not sustained by the superintendents and
ministers; and, lastly, all kings, at their coronation, or
princes, or magistrates acting in their place, were bound
to take the oath for the support of the true Church and
the extirpation of heresy.*
So far everything succeeded to the wishes of the
reformed clergy; but their endeavour to repossess them-
selves of the patrimony of the Church was not so
fortunate. They pleaded a former promise to this
effect, and, if we may credit Bishop Spottiswood, the
regent showed an anxiety to fulfil it ; but the laymen,
who had violently seized the property of the Church
when it was in the hands of the Roman Catholic clergy,
manifested the same violence now that their own min-
isters proposed to resume possession, and, with difficulty,
consented to restore to them a third of the benefices.-f*
It was next ordered that a reformation should be made
in all schools, colleges, and universities, and that no
teachers were to be admitted but such as had been
examined and approved by the appointed visitors and
superintendents ; and lastly, that, as far as concerned
the preaching of the Word, the reformation of manners,
and the administration of the sacraments, no other
ecclesiastical powers should be acknowledged than those
which were now claimed by the Presbyterian Church,
to which they gave the title of the Immaculate Spouse
of Christ. J
A keen debate arose when the subject of the queen's
imprisonment came before the Assembly, which was
greatly divided in opinion. Many, who were convinced
* Spottiswood, p. 214. Maitland, vol. ii. p. 1006. Black Acts, fol. 1-5, c. 1. 2.
f Maitland, vol. ii. p. 1007. j Ibid.
VOL. VII. L
166 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
of their sovereign"^ guilt, and who had adopted the
views lately promulgated by the ministers in their
pulpit addresses, contended that she should be brought
to a public trial, and, if the crime was proved, punished
by the laws like any other subject of the realm. To
this it was objected that the monarch was the source
of all authority; that she could not, without absurdity
and contradiction, be made amenable to an inferior
jurisdiction, but was accountable for her conduct to
God alone. It was replied, that extraordinary crimes
required extraordinary remedies ; but this doctrine was
not generally acceptable. The discussion concluded
in a resolution th* tLe imprisoment of the queen should
be continued, and an act of parliament passed for the ex-
oneration of those noblemen and barons who had risen
in arms for the prosecution of the murder. The terms
of this act, which were nearly similar to a previous re-
solution of the privy-council, require a moment's notice,
as it is in it that we find the first public mention of
those letters of Mary to Bothwell, which, it was after-
wards contended, completely proved her guilt. It
declared the conduct and transactions of these lords,
from the tenth of February (the day of Darnley's
murder) till the present time, to be lawful and loyal ;
that they should never be subjected to any prosecution
for what they had done, because, if the queen were
confined, it was solely in consequence of her own fault
and demerit, seeing that, by several of her private
letters, written wholly with her own hand, and sent
by her to Bothwell, and by her ungodly and pretended
marriage with him, it was most certain that she was
cognizant, art and part, of the murder of the king her
husband. This declaration of the Estates having been
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 167
signed and sealed, and ordered to be printed along with
the other statutes, the parliament was dissolved.*
It appears, by an act of privy-council, dated the
sixteenth September, 1568, that the Earl of Morton
had, at that time, { delivered to the regent the little
box or coffer, with the letters and sonnets which it
contained. It was to these letters that the act now
quoted referred ; and the partial and unjust conduct
of Moray and the parliament need hardly be pointed
out. Such documents might or might not be originals ;
but by every principle of justice, the queen ought not
to have been condemned, nor should these letters have
been received as evidence of the justice of that condem-
nation, until she had enjoyed in person, or by her
counsel, an opportunity of examining the proofs pro-
duced against her. This injustice, however, was little
in comparison with another proceeding of Moray's, who,
having now tasted the sweets of absolute power, and
being determined, at all hazard, to retain it, became
little scrupulous of the means which he employed. Sir
James Balfour, as we have seen, had been the confidant
of Bothwell, and was the depositary of the bond or
contract which was drawn up for the murder of the
king. It had been seen by one of the accomplices in
the murder, named Ormiston, who affirmed that Both-
well pointed out certain signatures, which he declared to
be those of Argyle, Huntley, Lethington, and Balfour
himself. J This profligate adherent of Both well's kept
the bond, along with the queen's jewels and other pro-
perty of value, in the castle of Edinburgh, which for-
* Goodall, voL ii. pp. 62, 69. The words in the Black Acts. Anderson,
"ol. ii. p. 221, are, "divers her privie letters written halelie [wholly] with
her own hand." The words of the act of Privy-council are, " divers her
privie letters, written and suhscribed with her own hand."
t Anderson, vol. ii. p. 257.
J Supra, p. 54.
168 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567.
tress the Duke had committed to his charge ; but he
betrayed the place, as we have seen, to Moray ; and,
on its delivery, the regent, now all-powerful, might
have stipulated for the delivery of all the evidence
which threw light upon so foul a plot. In estimating
his moral character, which has been highly extolled
by some writers, it is instructive to mark in what way
he appears to have proceeded. The letters alleged to
be written by the queen were preserved, exhibited to
the council, and quoted to the parliament as proofs of
her guilt. Her jewels and other apparel were delivered
up by Balfour* to Moray, but the " Bond" which
connected his friends with the murder, was appropriated
by Lethington, committed to the flames, and destroyed
for ever. We learn this important fact, which is new
in the controversy, from a letter addressed by Drury
to Cecil, on the twenty-eighth of November, a short time
before the meeting of the parliament. " The writings,"
said he, " which did comprehend the names and con-
sents of the chief for the murdering of the king, is
turned into ashes, the same not unknown to the queen ;
and the same that concerns her part kept to be shown,
which oflends her." It is true there is here no asser-
tion that the regent himself threw the bond into the
fire, and it was Lethington's and Balfour's interest,
as it criminated themselves, to have it destroyed; but
that Moray consented to its destruction, whilst he
preserved the evidence against the queen, the whole
circumstances appear to me to demonstrate. Drury,
in the same letter to Cecil, observed, " that Moray
made fair weather with Mary, and was dealing very
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, Berwick, 5th
September, 1567. Ibid, same to same, llth September, 1567. Also MS.
Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, October 15, 1570, and MS.
Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Cecil, November 28, 1567.
1567. REGENCY OF MORAY. 169
soundly and uprightly." Sir William's ideas as to
upright conduct, unless the expression was used solely
with reference to the safety assured by the regent to
his own associates, must have been peculiar.
Of this partial dealing, he now gave another signal
instance in the trial of those delinquents who were
in custody for the king's murder. Their names were
Hay of Tallo, John Hepburn of Bolton, George Dal-
gleish a page or chamberlain, and William Powrie a
servant of Bothwell. It was well known at the time
of his being apprehended, that Hay, the confident of
Bothwell, had not only given a full detail of the murder,
but had accused some of the highest nobility of being
accomplices in it.* It' was equally notorious that
Captain Cullen, who had been employed in his most
secret concerns by the chief murderer, had revealed
the whole circumstances,-}- and that the lords and the
regent must have been in possession of his confession.
So general was the expectation of these disclosures
being made public, that Sir William Drury, in writing
to Cecil upon the subject, informed him that Tallo's
life had been spared for a little only, until some of the
great persons who were acquainted with the cruel deed
were apprehended. All therefore looked with intense
anxiety to the trial of these men, and it was confidently
demanded, that as so much pains had been taken in
the recent parliament to criminate the queen, the same
care should be employed to discover who else were
guilty, that, by the publication of the confessions of
Cullen, Tallo, and Hepburn, the regent would at length
* Bedford to Cecil, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., September 16,
1567. Also Drury to Cecil, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., September
30, 1567.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, June 14, 1567,
Berwick. Scrope to Cecil, June 16, 1567, Carlisle, MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, B.C.
170 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-8.
reveal the names of those great accomplices who had
hitherto escaped. But Moray had neither the power,
nor the will, to make this exposure. The trials were
shamefully hurried over. The culprits were arraigned,
convicted, and executed in one day (January 3.) Al-
though Hepburn of Bolton, in his speech on the scaffold,
directly asserted that Argyle, Huutley, and Lethington
had subscribed to the bond for the murder, no arrest
of these persons followed; the judicial confessions which
were made by him and his accomplices were suppressed
at the time ; and, when subsequently brought forward
to be exhibited in England, it was found that they had
been manifestly tampered with, and contained evidence
against no one but themselves and Bothwell.*
These proceedings told strongly against the regent,
and, making every allowance for the miserable state of
the law in these times, it is impossible to exculpate him
from the charge of having lent himself to a plan for
the defeat of justice. Nor does it need any great dis-
cernment to discover both the means by which the
truth was suppressed, and the motive for such base
conduct. Argyle was Lord Justice-general, the head
and fountain of the criminal jurisprudence of the coun-
try. By his deputy the trials were conducted, and
Argyle was a principal accomplice in the king's mur-
der. The confessions were made before the Lords of
the Privy-council, and amongst these lords were Mor-
ton, Huntley, Lethington, and Sir James Balfour, all
of them parties to the murder. Lastly, Moray was
regent of the realm, but he had been placed in the high
office by these very men, and his tenure was still so
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, January 4, 1567-8.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, January 7,' 1567-8.
Ibid. Forster to Cecil, Alnwick, 1 1th January, 1567-8. Ibid. Drury to Cecil,
Berwick, 21st January, 1567.
1567-8. REGENCY OF MORAY. l7l
insecure, that a new coalition might have unseated
him.
Such conduct, although politic so far as his own
greatness was concerned, disappointed the people, and
was loudly condemned. Handbills and satirical poems,
which upbraided his partiality, were fixed to the doors
of the privy-council and of his own house. Of these
one was in the following pithy terms :
" Quceritur.
"Why John Hepburn, and John Hay of Tallo, are
not compelled openly to declare the manner of the
king's slaughter, and who consented thereunto?"*
Another was a pasquinade, of which the truth was
more striking than the poetry. It bore the title of a
letter sent by Madde unto my Lord Regent, and the
whole Estates, and strongly insinuated that Hay and
Hepburn were about to be hurried out of life and their
confessions suppressed, lest they should discover the
principal subscribers of the bond for the king's death.-f-
By his partial conduct, Moray not only estranged
the people, but it was soon apparent that, notwith-
standing all his efforts, he could not long keep his
party together. Even in the parliament, his legislation
on the subject of religion had been condemned by
* MS. State-paper Office, B.C., Questions to be absolved by the Lords of
the Articles, 4th January, 1567-8.
t MS, State-paper Office, 4th Jan. 1567-8. A letter sent by Madde to
My Lord Regent and the haill Estates :
My lordes all, the king is slain,
Revenge his cause in hand,
Or else your doing is all but vain,
For all your general Band.
If ye shall punish but simple men,
And let the principal pass,
Then God and man shall you misken,
Air 4 , make you therefore base.
172 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1567-8.
Athole, Caithness, and the Bishop of Moray; and the
provision for the ministers of the Church was an un-
popular measure with a majority of the lords. He had
endeavoured, indeed, to secure the support of the chief
nobility and barons by rewards and favours. Lething-
ton had received the sheriffship of Lothian, Hume that
of Lauderdale, Morton the promise of the Lord High-
admirars place, vacant by the forfeiture of Bothwell ;
Kirkaldy of Grange had been made governor of Edin-
burgh castle, and Huntley and Argyle were courted
by the prospect held out to them of a matrimonial
alliance with the regent's daughter and sister-in-law.*
But even these prizes and promises sometimes failed
in their effect, every one being ready to magnify his
own merit, and to anticipate a higher distinction than
was bestowed. Nor did it escape observation, that his
conduct since his elevation had become haughty and
distant to those proud nobles who had so recently been
his equals; whilst he was open to flattery, and suffered
inferior men to gain his confidence. Even the vigour
with which he punished the riot and lawlessness of the
Border district failed to increase his popularity, the
kingdom having been so long accustomed to a more
relaxed rule, that justice was construed into tyranny.
Owing to such causes, it was apparent that Moray's
government, soon after the dissolution of parliament,
was in a precarious state. The Hamiltons hated him;
to Lethington intrigue and change seemed to be the
only elements in which he could live; Herries and the
Melvils were strongly suspected ; Balfour, who knew
many secrets, and was capable of any treachery, had
left court in disgust; Athole was beginning to beluke-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Berwick, Drury to Cecil, Jan. 4,
1 567-8. Huntley 's son was to marry his daughter ; Argyle's brother, his
sister-in-law.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 173
warm ; * the friends of the Catholic religion resented
his late conduct ; and the people, never long in one
mind, began to pity the protracted and rigorous im-
prisonment of the queen. "J* All these circumstances
were against him ; but they were trivial to the blow
which now fell upon him, for it was at this very crisis
that Mary effected her escape in a manner that almost
partakes of romance.
Since her interview with Moray, the captive queen
had exerted all the powers of fascination, which she so
remarkably possessed, to gain upon her keepers. The
severe temper of the regent's mother, the lady of the
castle, had yielded to their influence ; J and her son
George Douglas, the younger brother of Lochleven,
smitten by her beauty, and flattered by her caresses,
enthusiastically devoted himself to her interest. It
was even asserted that he had aspired to her hand,
that his mother talked of a divorce from Bothwell, and
that Mary, never insensible to admiration and solicitous
to secure his services, did not check his hopes. How-
ever this may be, Douglas for some time had bent his
whole mind to the enterprise, and on one occasion, a
little before this, had nearly succeeded ; but the queen,
who had assumed the dress of a laundress, was detected
by the extraordinary whiteness of her hands, and
carried back, in the boat which she had entered, to her
prison. ||
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, Jan. 4,
1567-8. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick,
Jan. 21, 1567-8. Ibid. Same to same, Berwick, Feb. 2, 1567-8. Also, Ibid.
Same to same, Berwick, April 2, 1568.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 2d April, 1568.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, Sept.
30, 1567. MelviPs Memoirs, p. 199.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, April 2, 1568.
Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, to Cecil, May 9, 1568.
II Keith, 470.
174 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
This discovery had nearly ruined all, for Douglas
was dismissed from the castle, and Mary more strictly
watched ; but nothing could discourage her own enter-
prise, or the zeal of her servant. He communicated
with Lord Seton and the Hamiltons ; he carried on a
secret correspondence with the queen ; he secured the
services of a page who waited on his mother, called
Little Douglas, and by his assistance at length effected
his purpose. On the evening of the second of May,
this youth, in placing a plate before the castellan, con-
trived to drop his napkin over the key of the gate of
the castle, which, for security, was always placed beside
him when at supper, and carried it off unperceived : he
hastened to the queen, and hurrying down to the outer
gate, they threw themselves into the little boat which
lay there for the service of the garrison. At that mo-
ment Lord Seton and some of her friends were intently
observing the castle from their concealment on a neigh-
bouring hill ; a party waited in the village below, while,
nearer still, a man lay watching on the brink of the
lake.* They could see a female figure, with two
attendants, glide swiftly from the outer gate. It was
Mary herself, who, breathless with delight and anxiety,
sprung into the boat, holding a little girl, one of her
maidens, by the hand ; while the page, by locking the
gate behind them, prevented immediate pursuit. In a
moment her white veil with its broad red fringe (the
concerted signal of success) was seen glancing in the
sun ; the sign was recognised and communicated ; the
little boat, rowed by the page and the queen herself,
touched the shore ; and Mary, springing out with the
lightness of recovered freedom, was received first by
* Proofs and Illustrations, No. VII., from the MSS. of Prince Labanoff;
and Letter of Kirkaldy to Lochleven, Morton MSS.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 175
George Douglas, and almost instantly after by Lord
Seton and his friends. Throwing herself on horseback,
she rode at full speed to the Ferry, crossed the Firth,
and galloped to Niddry, having been met on the road
by Lord Claud Hamilton, with fifty horse. Here she
took a few hours 1 rest, wrote a hurried despatch to
France, despatched Hepburn of Riccarton to Dunbar,
with the hope that the castle would be delivered to her,
and commanded him to proceed afterwards to Denmark,
and carry to his master, Bothwell, the news of her
deliverance.* Then, again taking horse, she galloped
to Hamilton, where she deemed herself in safety.
The news of her escape flew rapidly through the
kingdom, and was received with joy by a large portion
of her nobility, who crowded round her with devoted
offers of homage and support. The Earls of Argyle,
Cassillis, Eglinton, and Rothes; the Lords Somerville,
Yester, Livingston, Herries, Fleming, Ross, Borth-
wick, and many other barons of power and note crowded
to Hamilton. Orders were sent by them to put their
vassals and followers in instant motion, and Mary soon
saw herself at the head of six thousand men.
She now assembled her council, declared to them
that her demission of the government, and consent to
the coronation of her son, had been extorted by the
imminent fear of death, and appealed for the truth of
the statement to Robert Melvil, who stood beside her
and solemnly confirmed it. An act of council was then
passed, declaring all the late proceedings by which
Moray had become regent, treasonable and of none
* Proofs and Illustrations, No. VII. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C.,
Drury to Cecil, April 2, 1568. Also, MS. Letter, Copy, State-paper Office,
to Cecil, May 9, 1568. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury
to Cecil, May 26, 1568. Also Memoir towards Riccartoun, MS. State-paper
Office. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Willok to Cecil, 31st May, 1568.
176 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
effect ; and a bond drawn up by the nobility for the
defence of their sovereign, and her restitution to her
crown and kingdom, which, in the enthusiasm of the
moment, was signed by nine earls, nine bishops, eighteen
lords, twelve abbots and priors, and nearly one hundred
barons. But the queen, though encouraged by this
burst of loyalty, felt a desire to avoid the misery of a
civil contest, and in this spirit sent a message to Moray
with offers of reconciliation and forgiveness. *
The regent was in Glasgow, a city not eight miles
from Mary's camp at Hamilton, engaged in public
business, and attended only by the officers of the law
and his personal suite, when almost at the same instant
he received news of the queen's escape and her over-
tures for a negotiation. It was a trying crisis one
of those moments in the life of a public man which test
his judgment and hiscourage. Already the intelligence,
though but a few hours old, had produced an unfavour-
able effect upon his party. Some openly deserted, and
sought the queen's camp ; others silently stole away ;
many wavered ; and not a few, whilst they preserved
the show of fidelity, secretly made preparations for
joining the enemy.
Under these difficult circumstances Moray exhibited
that rapid decision and clearness of judgment which
mark a great man. When, counselled to retire, he
instantly rejected the advice. " Retreat," said he,
" must not for a moment be contemplated. It is cer-
tain ruin ; it will be construed into flight, and every
hour's delay will strengthen the queen and discourage
our adherents. Our only chance is in an instantaneous
* Keith, p. 475. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 8th May, 1568.
Endorsed in Cecil's hand, " Band of 9 Earls, 9 Bishops, 18 Lords, and others
for defence of the Queen of Scots." MelviTs Memoirs, p. 200. Also, Drury
to Cecil, May 7, 1568. Keith, p. 474.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 177
attack, before Huntley, Ogilvy, and the northern men,
have joined the royal force. " Pretending, however, to
deliberate upon the offers of negotiation, he gained a
brief respite : this he used to publish a proclamation,
in which he declared his determination to support the
king's government; and sending information to the
Merse, Lothian, and Stirlingshire, was rapidly joined
by a considerable body of his friends. Morton, Glen-
cairn, Lennox, and Semple, lost no time, but marshalled
their strength and advanced by forced marches to Glas-
gow :* Mar despatched reinforcements and cannon
from Stirling; Grange, whose veteran experience in
military affairs was of infinite value at such a moment,
took the command of the horse ; and Moray had the
good sense to intrust to him the general arrangements
for the approaching battle. Hume, also a skilful soldier,
not only foiled Hepburn of Riccarton in his attempt
to seize Dunbar for the queen, "f- but kept the Merse-
men from declaring for her, and soon joined the regent
with six hundred men, whilst Edinburgh beat up for
recruits and sent a small force of hagbutters. The
effects which so in variably follow decision and confidence
were soon apparent, and in ten days Moray commanded
an army of four thousand men.J
Amid these preparations Mary sent her servant,
John Beaton, to England and the French court, soli-
citing support. In return, the English queen resolved
to despatch Dr Leighton into Scotland with her warm
* Drury to Cecil, May, 7, 1568. Keith, p. 474. MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, May 10, 1568. Proclamation of the
King of Scots, May 7, 1568, broadside, State-paper Office ; printed by Lek-
previk. Also, Ibid. MS. Proclamation of the Regent for the gathering of
the country, May 3, 1568.
f- Drury to Cecil, May 6, 1568. Keith, p. 474.
J MS. State-paper Office, Advertisements of the Conflict in Scotland, May
178 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
congratulations, and an assurance, that if her sister
would submit the decision of her affairs to his royal
mistress and abstain from calling in any foreign aid,
she would speedily either persuade or compel her sub-
jects to acknowledge her authority.* It happened, too,
that shortly previous to her escape, Monsieur de Beau-
mont, an ambassador from Henry, had arrived from
France to solicit, as he affirmed, an interview with the
captive princess, which had been positively refused.
Some suspected that he came to urge the expediency
of a divorce from Bothwell, and a marriage between
Mary and the Lord of Arbroath, second son of the
Duke of Chastelherault. Others affirmed that, like
De Lignerolles, his secret instructions were more favour-
able to the regent than the queen ; but, however this
may be, he now resorted to the camp at Hamilton, and
apparently exerted himself* to procure a reconciliation
between the two factions.^
We haye already seen, that this was agreeable to
Mary's own wishes. Her inclination from the first
had been to avoid a battle, to retire to Dumbarton, a
fortress which had been all along kept for her by Lord
Fleming, and to regain by degrees her influence over
her nobility and her people. In this wise and humane
policy she was opposed by the ambition and fierce im-
patience of the Hamiltons, who, seeing themselves the
strongest party, deemed the moment favourable to
crush Moray for ever, and to obtain an ascendancy
over the queen and the government. J
So far, however, Mary's influence prevailed, that
* MS. State-paper Office, -wholly in Cecil's hand, " Instructions for Mr
Thomas Leighton, sent into Scotland."
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Forster to Cecil, Alnwick, April
30, 1568. Also, MS. State-paper Office, Advertisements of the Conflict in
Scotland, Keith, p. 478.
Memoirs of James the Sext, p. 25. MelviTs Memoirs, p. 200.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 179
they consented to march from Hamilton to Dumbar-
ton; and Moray, congratulating himself upon their
resolution, immediately drew out his little army on
the Burghmuir of Glasgow, resolved to watch their
movements, and, if possible, bring them to an engage-
ment. For this purpose Grange had previously ex-
amined the ground, and the moment he became aware
that the queen's army kept the south side of the river,
the regents camp being on the opposite bank, he mount-
ed a hagbutter behind each of his horsemen, rapidly
forded the Clyde, and placed them advantageously
amongst some cottages, hedges, and little yards or
gardens which skirted each side of a narrow lane,
through which the queen's troops must defile. *
Whilst this manoeuvre was successfully performing,
Moray, who led the main battle, and Morton, who
commanded the vanguard or advance, crossed the river
by a neighbouring bridge and drew up their men ; a
movement which was scarcely completed when the
queen's vanguard, two thousand strong, and commanded
by Lord Claud Hamilton, attempting to carry the lane,
was received by a close and deadly fire from the hag-
butters in the hedges and cottage gardens. This killed
many, drove them back, and threw their ranks into
confusion ; but, confident in their numbers, they pressed
forward up the steep of the hill, so that the men were
already exhausted when they suddenly found them-
selves encountered. by Moray's advance, which was well
breathed, and in firm order. It was composed of the
flower of the Border pikemen. Morton, who led it,
with Hume, Ker of Cessford, and the barons of the
Merse, all fought on foot ; and when the first charge
took place, Grange's clear voice was heard above the din
* Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 200, 20L
180 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
of battle, calling to them to keep their pikes shouldered
till the enemy had levelled theirs, and then to push on.*
They obeyed him, and a severe conflict took place. It
was here only that there was hard fighting ; and Sir
James Melvil, who was present, describes the long pikes
as so closely crossed and interlaced, that, when the
soldiers behind discharged their pistols, and threw them
or the staves of their shattered weapons in the faces of
their enemies, they never reached the ground, but re-
mained lying on the spears. -f-
For some time the conflict was doubtful, till Grange,
perceiving the right wing of the regents advance (con-
sisting of the Renfrewshire barons) beginning to give
way, galloped to the main battle, and brought Lindsay,
Lochleven, Sir James Balfour, and their followers, to
reinforce the weak point. This they did effectually,
and their attack was so furious that it broke the queen's
ranks and threw all into confusion. Moray, who had
hitherto stood on the defensive, contenting himself with
repulsing the enemy's cavalry, which was far superior
in numbers and equipment to his ovvn, now seized the
moment to charge with the main battle, and the flight
became universal. J At this instant, too, the chief of
the Macfarlanes, and two hundred of his highlanders,
broke in upon the scattered fragments of the army with
the leaps and yells peculiar to their mode of fighting,
and the pursuit would have been sanguinary, but for
the generous exertions of the regent, who called out
to save the fugitives, and employed his cavalry, with
* Melvil's Memoirs, p. 201. MS. State-paper Office, Advertisements of
the Conflict in Scotland, May 16, 1568.
f- Melvil's Memoirs, p. 201.
J Ibid. Also, History of James the Sext, p. 26. Also, Calderwood's
Account in Keith, p. 480.
MS. State-paper Office, May 16, 1568. Advertisements of the Conflict
in Scotland.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 181
Grange who commanded them, not as instruments of
slaughter but of mercy. This decisive battle lasted
only three quarters of an hour. On the queen's side
there were but three hundred slain some accounts say
only half that number. * On the regent's only a single
soldier fell. Ten pieces of brass cannon were taken,
and many prisoners of note. Amongst the rest, the
Lords Seton and Ross ; the masters, or eldest sons
of the Earls of Eglinton and Cassillis ; the sheriff of
Ayr; the Sheriff of Linlithgow, a Hamilton, who bore
their standard in the vanguard ; the Lairds of Preston,
Innerwick, Pitmilly, Balwearie, Boyne, and Trabrown ;
Robert Melvil and Andrew Melvil ; two sons of the
Bishop of St Andrew's, and a son of the Abbot of
Kilwinning. It was reported that Argyle was made
prisoner, but purposely suffered to escape. On the
regent's side, Hume^ Ochiltree, and Andrew Car of
Faudonside, were severely wounded.*!* Previous to
the conflict Mary had taken her station upon an emi-
nence half a mile distant, which commanded a view
of the field. She was surrounded by a small suite,
and watched the vicissitudes of the fight with breathless
eagerness and hope. At last, when the charge of Moray
took place, witnessing the total dispersion of her army,
she fled in great terror and at full speed in the direc-
tion of Dumfries, nor did she venture to draw bridle
till she found herself in the abbey of Dundrennan, sixty
miles from the field. J
On arriving at this place, which was on the confines
of England, the queen declared her intention of retreat-
ing into that country and throwing herself upon the
* MS. Original, State-paper Office, Advertisements of the Conflict in Scot-
land, May 16', 1568. Also, Melvil's Memoirs, p. 202.
t MS. State-paper Office, Advertisements of the Conflict in Scotland,
16th May, 1568. J Ibid.
VOL. VII. M
182 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
protection of Elizabeth. It was a hasty and fatal re-
solution, adopted against the advice of those faithful
servants who had followed her in her flight, and must
have been dictated more by the terror of her own sub-
jects, than by any well grounded confidence in the
character of Elizabeth. Lord Herries, who accom-
panied her, had taken the precaution of writing to
Lowther, the deputy-governor of Carlisle, desiring to
know whether his royal mistress might come safely to
that city ; but such was her impatience, that before
any answer could be returned she had taken a boat
and passed over in her riding dress and soiled with
travel, to Workington, in Cumberland. Here she was
recognised by the gentlemen of the country, who con-
veyed her to Cockermouth, from which Lowther con-
ducted her with all respect and honour to Carlisle. *
Amongst her attendants were the Lords Herries, Flem-
ing, and Livingston.
While still at Workington, the Queen of Scots had
written, to Elizabeth describing the wrongs she had
endured from her rebellious subjects, alluding to the
recent defeat at Langside, and expressing her confident
hope that the queen would protect and assist her against
her enemies. She concluded with these pathetic words,
"It is my earnest request that your majesty will send
for me as soon as possible, for my condition is pitiable,
not to say for a queen, but even for a simple gentle-
woman. I have no other dress than that in which I
escaped from the field ; my first day's ride was sixty
miles across the country, and I have not since dared
to travel except by night. w -f*
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office. Papers of Mary Queen of Scots. Low-
ther to Cecil, 17th May, 1568. Also, MS. State-paper Office, Advertise-
ments out of Scotland, 18th May, 1568.
t Anderson, TO!, iv. pp. 29, 3o. The original letter is in French, Caligula,
C. i. fol. 68.
REGENCY OF MORAY. 183
On receiving this letter, Elizabeth felt that Mary-
was at last in her power, and she did not hesitate to
avail herself of the fatal error which had been commit-
ted. Her first orders to the sheriffs on the nineteenth
of May, sufficiently show this. She commanded them
to treat the Scottish queen and her suite with honour
and respect, but to keep a strict watch, and prevent all
escape.* At the same time, Lady Scrope, sister to
the Duke of Norfolk, was sent to wait upon her, and
Sir Francis Knolly s arrived with letters of condolence ; [
but impatient under these formalities, and anxious for
a personal interview, Mary addressed a second letter
to Elizabeth, in which she entreated, that as her affairs
were urgent, she might be permitted instantly to see
the queen, to vindicate herself from the false aspersions
which had been cast upon her by her ungrateful sub-
jects, and to dispel the doubts which she understood
were entertained. She had sent up Lord Herries, she
said, to communicate with her sister, and Lord Fleming
to carry a message to France ; but, she entreated, if
any resolution had been formed against assisting her,
(a decision which must surely come from others, not
from Elizabeth's own heart,) leave might be given her
as freely to depart from her dominions as she had freely
entered them. Nothing could so much injure her cause
as delay, and already had she been detained in the state
of a prisoner for fifteen days, a proceeding, which, to
speak frankly, she found somewhat hard and strange.
In conclusion, she reminded Elizabeth of some circum-
stances connected with the ring, which she now sent
her. It bore the emblem of a heart, and had probably
* Copy, State-paper Office, by the Queen to the Sheriffs, Justices of
Peace, &c., of Cumberland.
t Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 52, 53. Lord Scrope and Knollys to th
Queen, Carlisle, 29th May, 1568.
184 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
been a gift of the English queen. " Remember,"" said
she, " I have kept my promise. I have sent you my
heart in the ring, and now I have brought to you both
heart and body, to knit more firmly the tie that binds
us together."*
The offer in this letter to vindicate herself in person
before Elizabeth, was earnestly pressed by Mary in her
first interview with Scrope and Knollys. Her engag-
ing manner, and the spirit and eloquence with which
she defended herself, made a deep impression on both.
She openly declared, that Morton and Lethington
were cognizant of the king her husband's murder; and
Knollys confessed, that although he began by accusing
her of that dreadful crime, the sight of her tears soon
transformed him into a comforter. }
Meanwhile Moray lost no time in following up the
advantage which he had gained, and after the retreat
of the queen, having made an expedition northward,
at the head of a large force, and for the moment put
down opposition, he returned to the capital, to let
loose the vengeance of the laws against those who had
resisted his government. Notwithstanding the accu-
sations of his enemies, no instance of cruelty or revenge
can be proved against him : whether it was that his
nature was really an enemy to blood, or that he found
fines and forfeitures a more effectual way of destroying
his opponents and enriching his friends, t These oc-
cupations at home, however, did not prevent his cares
for his safety on the side of England. As soon as he
heard of Mary's retreat to Carlisle, and her offer to
vindicate herself before Elizabeth, he sent up his
* Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 48, 49, 50. History of James the Sext,
pp. 27, 28.
f Id. Anderson, voL iv. pp. 68, 59, Knollys to Elizabeth, Carlisle, 30th
May, 1568.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, May 26, 1568.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 185
secretary or confidential servant Wood, to express his
readiness instantly to appear in person with the Earl
of Morton, to answer any charges brought against him ;
to produce evidence to justify his conduct and that of
his companions, and, as Drury expresses it, to enter
himself prisoner in the Tower of London, if he did not
prove her guilty in the death of the king her husband.*
This proposal of both parties to vindicate themselves
before the Queen of England, and to make her the
arbiter of their mutual wrongs, came very opportunely
to Elizabeth, as she was at that moment engaged with
her council in a deliberation on the proper course to be
pursued, in consequence of the flight of the Scottish
queen. Knollys had already warned her of the im-
pression made upon the Roman Catholics in the North
by her arrival, and had urged the necessity either of
granting her assistance, or, if that was held too much,
restoring her to liberty. Rumours and speeches, so
he wrote, were already blown about the country, ex-
posing, in strong language, the ungratefulness of her
detention ; and indeed so manifest a wrong was com-
mitted by her imprisonment, it involved so flagrant a
breach of the common principles of law and justice,
that Knollys, an honourable nobleman, felt impatient
that he should be made a " Jailor," so he expressed it,
in such a cause.-}*
Of all this, Elizabeth and her ministers were well
aware ; but in that unscrupulous and accommodating
school of politics for which the times were conspicuous,
when principle and expediency were found at variance,
there was seldom much hesitation which should give
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, May 22, 1568.
Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, June 17, 1568.
t Knollys to Cecil, Carlisle, 2d June, 1568. Anderson, vol. iv. part L.
p. 61.
J86 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
way ; and it was resolved that, in this instance, honour
and justice should be sacrificed to necessity. And here,
although I must strongly condemn the conduct of the
English queen, it is impossible not to see the difficulties
by which she was surrounded : the party which it was
her interest to support, was that of Moray and the
Protestants ; she looked with dread on France, and
the resumption of French influence in Scotland ; within
her own realm, the Roman Catholics were unquiet and
discontented, and in Ireland constantly on the eve of
rebellion if such a word can be used to the resistance
of a system too grinding to be tamely borne. All these
impatient spirits looked to Mary as a point of union
and strength. Had she been broken by her late re-
verses, had she manifested a sense of the imprudence
by which she had been lately guided, or evinced any
desire to reform her conduct, or forgive her subjects
who had. risen against the murderer of her husband
more than against herself, the queen might have been
inclined to a more favourable course. But the very
contrary was the case : her first step after her escape
had been to resume her correspondence with Bothwell;*
his creatures, Hepburn of Riccarton and the two
Ormistons, blotted as accomplices in his crime, had
frequent access to her. In her conversations with
Knollys and Scrope, she could not repress her antici-
pations of victory and purposes of vengeance, if once
again a free princess. She declared, that rather than
have peace with Moray, she would submit to any ex-
tremity, and call help from Turkey before she gave up
the contest ; and she lamented bitterly that the delays
of Elizabeth emboldened the traitors who had risen
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, Berwick, 26th May,
1568 ; also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Mr John Willok to Cecil, Edin-
burgh, 31st May, 1568.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. , 187
against her.* Was the Queen of England at such a
crisis, and having such a rival in her power, to dismiss
her at her first request, and permit her to overwhelm
her friends and allies, to re-establish the Roman Ca-
tholic party, and possibly the Roman Catholic religion
in Scotland ? After such conduct, could it be deemed
either unlocked for, or extraordinary, should she fall
from the proud position she now held, as the head of
the Protestant party in Europe 2 So argued the far-
sighted Cecil, and the queen his mistress followed, or
it is probable in this instance anticipated, his counsel.
It was determined to detain Mary a prisoner, to
refuse her a personal meeting, to support Moray in
the regency, and to induce him to make public the
proofs which he possessed of the guilt of his sovereign
the Queen of Scots.
With this view, Elizabeth wrote to the regent, and
soon after despatched Mr Middlemore with a message
both to him and to the Scottish queen. She informed
him in her letter, that he was accused by his sovereign
of the highest crimes which a subject could commit
against his prince rebellion, imprisonment of her per-
son, and her expulsion from her dominions by open
battle. She admonished him to forbear from all hos-
tility ; and as her royal sister, who would observe the
same abstinence, was content to commit to her the
hearing arid ordering of her cause, she required him to
bring forward his defences against the crimes of which
he was accused. *f-
Before repairing to Moray in Scotland, Middlemore
was admitted to an interview with Mary, at Carlisle.
He informed her, that his mistress disclaimed all idea
* Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 71 , 791. Knollys to Cecil, 1 1th June, 1568.
Bishop of Durham to Cecil, '27th June, 1568. MS. State-paper Office, B.C.
f Elizabeth to Moray, June 8, 1568. Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 68, 69
188 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
of keeping her a prisoner, her present detention at
Carlisle having no other object than to save her from
her enemies. As to a personal interview that was
at present impossible. She was accused of being an
accomplice in a foul and horrible crime, the murder
of her husband. She had made choice of the Queen
of England to be the only judge of her cause, and care
must be taken not to prejudice her defence, and give
a handle to her enemies by admitting her to her pre-
sence, before trial had been made of her innocency.
At these words judge and trial, which escaped Mid-
dlemore, Mary's spirit rose, and she at once detected and
exposed the artful diplomacy of which she was about to
be made the victim. It was God, she exclaimed, who
could alone be her judge, as a queen she was amenable
to no human tribunal. Of her own free will, indeed, she
had offered to make Elizabeth the confidant of her
wrongs, to defend herself against the falsehoods brought
against her, and to utter to her such matters, as had
never yet been disclosed to any living being, but none
could compel her to accuse herself; and as to Moray,
and those rebels who had joined him, her sister was
partial. She was contented, it appeared, that they
should come to her presence to arraign her, whilst she,
their sovereign, was debarred from that indulgence in
making her defence. Who ever heard that subjects
and traitors should be permitted to plead against their
prince ? And yet, said she, if they must needs come,
bid the queen, my sister, call up Morton and Lething-
ton, who are said to know most against me confront
me with them let me hear their accusations, and then
listen to my reply. But, she added significantly, I
suspect that Lethington would be loath of such an
errand.*
* Anderson, vol. iv. part L p. 90. Middlemore to Cecil, 14th June, 1M>8.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 189
It had been Mary's idea, from some expressions used
by Scrope and Knollys in their first interview,* that
the English queen would be induced to restore her
without inquiry, or at least by an inquiry so regulated
as to criminate her subjects without permitting them
to reply ; but the mission of Middlemore dispelled this
notion. She found that not only was she to be refused
an interview with the English queen, but that Moray
had been already called upon to repair to England, and
to justify his conduct by bringing forward his proofs
against his sovereign. Against this she loudly pro-
tested, and at once declared, that she would endure
imprisonment, and even death, sooner than submit to
such indignity ,*f Such conduct was, no doubt, com-
pletely consonant to her feelings and her rights as a
free princess, and may have been quite consistent with
her complete guiltlessness of the charges brought against
her ; but it seems to me, that complete innocence would
have been impatient to have embraced even the oppor-
tunity of an imperfect defence, rather than endure the
atrocious aspersions with which she was now loaded.
Moray in the meantime acted with his accustomed
calmness and decision. Having received Middlemore's
message at Dumfries, hostilities against Mary's parti-
sans were suspended at the request of the English
queen, and he professed his readiness to repair to Eng-
land in person, accompanied by Morton, rather than
that the truth should not be fully investigated ; J but
previous to this, there was one point upon which he
desired to be satisfied. It was evident, he said, that
in a cause involving such grave results, nothing could
be more ruinous for him than to accuse the queen, the
* Anderson, vol. iv. part i. p. 55. Scrope and Knollys to Elizabeth. 29th
May, 1568.
+ Mary to Elizabeth, 13th June, 1568. Anderson, vol. iv. p. 97, part i.
$ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 17th June, 1568.
190 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
mother of his sovereign, and afterwards, as he expressed
it, " to enter into qualification with her. 11 * Again, if
the accusation should proceed, and he was able to prove
his allegations, he was solicitous to know what was
likely to follow. As to such letters of the Queen of
Scots as were in his possession, he had already sent
translations of them by his servant Wood ; and he
would gladly understand whether, in the event of the
originals agreeing with these translations, their con-
tents would be judged sufficient to establish her acces-
sion to the murder.^
This preliminary inquiry, so artful in its object, for
it is evident it enabled the regent to arrange or amend
his proofs according to the instructions which he might
receive from England, was intrusted to Middlemore,
who, on his return to the English court, reported it to
Elizabeth, and at the same time informed her of Mary's
resolution to decline the intended investigation. Cecil's
answer was framed with the evident view of being com-
municated by Lord Herries, who was then at the
English court, to his sovereign. It informed the regent
that Elizabeth neither meant to promote any accusation
of the Scottish queen, nor to proceed to any condem-
nation ; that her single purpose was to settle all
disputes, to allow of no faults in her sister, to bring
the controversy to a happy conclusion with surety to
all parties, and to esteem no proof sufficient till both
parties were heard.J
Such a declaration must have startled Moray, and
had he believed it, it is evident from the cautious tone
of his previous inquiries that no accusation of the
* MS. State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, with enclosure, 22d June, 1568.
f Goodall, vol. ii. p. 75, Moray's answer to Middlemore, 22d June, 1568.
I Goodall, vol. ii. p. 89. Answer by Cecil to the Earl of Moray's pro-
posals, 31st June, 1568.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 191
Queen of Scots was to be looked for from him. But
Elizabeth at this moment exerted all the powers of that
state craft in which she was so great an adept, to blind
both Moray and Mary. It was her object to persuade
the regent, that whatever might be her assurances to
Mary, she really intended to try the cause, and if he
could prove her guilty, to keep her where she was, in
prison ; it was her purpose on the other hand, to con-
vince Mary that she would never permit Moray to
bring forward any accusation, but quashing all odious
criminations, promote a reconciliation with her sub-
jects, and restore her to her dignity. The negotiations
were conducted on the part of the Scottish queen by
Lord Herries, who was then at the English court ; and,
by Cecil's directions, such only of this nobleman's
proposals as it was deemed expedient Moray should
know were communicated to the regent,* whilst from
Mary we may believe the same concealment was made
of Moray's entire messages.
These artful transactions occupied nearly a month,
and were interrupted, not only by the suspicions and
delays of both parties, but by the state of Scotland.
In that country Moray's unpopularity was now exces-
sive, whilst the queen's friends were daily rising into
confidence and strength. The severity of the regent,
and the terrors of an approaching parliament, in which
the dismal scenes of forfeiture and confiscation were
expected to be renewed, had so estranged his supporters
and united his enemies, that he began to be alarmed
not only for his government, but for his life. A con-
spiracy for his assassination was discovered, at the head
of which were the comptroller Murray of Tullibardine
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office Moray to Cecil, June 22, 1568, -with
enclosure.
192 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568,
and his brother, the same persons who had acted so
bold a part in arraigning Bothwell.* The regent was
taunted, and not unjustly, with his former activity in
prosecuting the king's murder, and his present luke-
warnmess ; and people pointed ironically to his asso-
ciate, Sir James Balfour, a man universally detested,
by his own confession one of the murderers, and now
employed by Moray in the most confidential affairs of
the government.^
To such a height had these discontents arisen, that
Argyle, Huntley, and the Hamiltons, uniting their
strength in favour of the queen, held a convention at
Largs, (July twenty-eighth,) in which they resolved
to let loose the borderers upon England, and wrote to
the Duke of Alva, requesting his assistance in the most
earnest terms. J Notwithstanding the delays produced
by this miserable state of things, Mary and the regent
at last agreed to have their disputes settled by the
English queen ; and Lord Herries, having arrived at
Bolton castle, to which place the Scottish queen had
been removed, informed his mistress, in the presence
of Scrope and Knollys, of Elizabeth's proposals, and
received her formal acquiescence. As some controversy
has arisen upon this point, it is right to give his very
words. He told Mary that Elizabeth had commanded
him to say unto her, " that if she would commit her
cause to be heard by her highness 1 order, but not to
make her highness judge over her, but rather as to her
dear cousin and friend to commit herself to her advice
and counsel, that if she would thus do, her highness
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., July 20, 1568, Drury to Cecil.
Also Id. Ibid, same to same, July 31, 1568. Also Id. Ibid, same to same,
3d August, 1568.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, July 10, 1568.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.O, Drury to Cecil, 3d August, 1568.
MS. State-paper Office, Lords of -Scotland to Duke of Alva.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 193
would surely set her again in her seat of regiment, and
dignity regal, in this form and order: first, her high-
ness would send for the noblemen of Scotland that be
her adversaries, to ask account of them, before such
noblemen as this queen herself should like of, to know
their answer, why they have deposed their queen and
sovereign from her regiment ; and that if, in their
answers, they could allege some reason for them in
their so doing, (which her highness thinks they cannot
do,) that her highness would set this queen in her seat
regal conditionally, that those her lords and subjects
should continue in their honours, estates, and dignities
to them appertaining. But if they should not be able
to allege any reason of their doings, that then her
highness would absolutely set her in her seat regal, and
that by force of hostility, if they should resist. 1 ' To
this promise, which is quite clear and explicit, Eliza-
beth annexed as conditions, that Mary should renounce
all claim to the crown of England, during the life of
the queen, or her issue ; that she should forsake the
league with France, and, abandoning the mass, receive
the Common Prayer after the form of England.* This
last stipulation was added with a view of encouraging
some symptoms of a disposition to be converted to the
Church of England, which had recently appeared in
Mary, who had received an English chaplain, and "had
grown to a good liking of the Common Prayer. "*f
These proposals the Queen of Scots embraced after
some hesitation, and commissioners would have been
immediately appointed for the trial of this great cause,
but for the melancholy state of Scotland. In this
country, Huntley and Argyle kept the field at the
head of a large force ; and, having completely reduced
au. UL at jLdigo luiue , turn, iia/viiiii uuu
Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 109, 110.
Knollys to Cecil, 2}jth July. Anderson, vol. iv.
part i. p. 113.
194 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
iinder tha queen's power the northern and western parts
of the kingdom, were rapidly advancing to the south.
Their object was to crush Moray before he could hold
the parliament, in which they expected the vengeance
of the laws to be let loose against themselves ; but their
march was arrested by letters from their sovereign, who
commanded her friends to desist from hostilities, in-
forming them that Elizabeth would compel the regent
to the same course. * This order, on Mary's side, was
obeyed ; on Moray's, if indeed ever sent by the Eng-
lish queen, it was openly violated ; for scarce were his
rivals dispersed, than the parliament met, (eighteenth
August,) and, had it not been for the remonstrances
of Lethington, not a baron who had espoused the cause
of the queen would have been left unproscribed. As
it was, all his efforts could not save the Archbishop of
St Andrew's, Lord Claud Hamilton, the Bishop of
Ross, and many others, who were declared traitors, and
forfeited. "f* It was in vain that the lords of Mary's
party complained of this cruel and unjust conduct, and
prepared for revenge. Moray, forgetful of his promises,
anticipated their attack, hastily levied a force, overran
Annandale and Galloway, and would have reduced all
opposition by fire and sword, had not his progress been
interrupted by a peremptory message from Elizabeth,
who commanded him instantly to lay down his arms,
and send commissioners to York to answer for his con-
duct to his sovereign. If this was delayed or resisted,
she declared her resolution instantly to set Mary at
liberty, and assist her against her enemies ; adding,
that his refusal would convince her of his mistress's
innocence and his own guilt.j
* Anderson, vol. iv. part i. pp. 125, 126. } Ibid.
J Gamden, apud Kennet, vol. ii. p. 412.
] 568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 195
This mandate Moray did not dare to disobey,
whatever may have been his wishes and regrets. He
distrusted Elizabeth ; he dreaded increasing his unpo-
pularity with the nobles, by openly bringing forward
so odious an accusation against his sovereign ; he saw
that success was doubtful failure absolute ruin ; and
when he proposed to select commissioners, all shrunk
from so invidious an office. But he had advanced too
far to retract ; and, digesting as he best could the mor-
tification of being arrested in the course of his victories,
he determined to appear personally at York, and ap-
pointed four commissioners to accompany him. These
were the Earl of Morton, the Bishop of Orkney, Lord
Lindsay, and the Commendator of Dunfermline. To
them he added some assistants, the most noted of whom
were Lethington the secretary, whom he had begun to
suspect of a leaning to the queen's cause, and dreaded
to leave behind him, the celebrated Buchanan, and Mr
James Makgill. Elizabeth now directed the Duke of
Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, to
appear upon her part ; and nothing remained but for
Mary to appoint her commissioners.*
Previous to this, she desired to have a consultation
with Lesley the bishop of Ross ; and, on his repair to
Bolton, this able and attached servant expressed his
sorrow that she had agreed to any conference wherein
her subjects should beaccused,as Moray andhis friends,
he said, would undoubtedly utter all they could for their
defence, although it were to her dishonour and that of
the whole realm ; it was vain, he added, to expect that
they would openly acknowledge themselves to be ill
subjects, and she a good princess ; and it would, in his
opinion, be far better to endeavour to bring about an
* Goodall, vol. ii. p. 109.
196 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
amicable arrangement without any accusation on either
side. To this, Mary^s answer, as reported by Lesley
himself, was remarkable. She declared there was no
such danger to be apprehended as he supposed, since
the judges would be favourable to her, and. she was
already assured of the good will of the Duke of Nor-
folk, who had sent her a message to Bolton, expressive
of his attachment to her interests. *
At this moment, Robert Melvil arrived at Bolton
with important despatches from Lethington to Mary.
He stated that Moray was determined to utter every-
thing he could against her, and had carried with him
to York the "letters which he had to produce in proof
of the murder ; " he sent her, by the same messenger,
copies of these letters which he had clandestinely pro-
cured ; he assured her, that nothing but a desire to do
her service had induced him to come into England, and
begged her to send word by Melvil to York, what she
thought it best for him to do. Mary, after having
carefully -examined these letters, which were only the
translations from the original French into the Scottish
language, sent her answer to Lethington. It is worthy
of note, that it contained no assertion as to the forgery
or interpolation of these letters, now, as it appears,
communicated to her for the first time. It simply
requested him to use his efforts to stay the rigorous
accusations of Moray, to labour with the Duke of Nor-
folk in her favour, and to give full credit to the Bishop
of Ross.-f
Having concluded her consultation with Lesley and
Melvil, she chose her commissioners. They were the
Bishop of Ross, Lords Herries, Boyd, and Livingston,
* Examination of the Bishop of Ross at the Tower. Miirdin, p. 52.
t Murdin, pp. 52, 5i
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 197
the Abbot of Kilwinning, Sir John Gordon of Loch-
invar, and Sir James Cockburn of Skirling. * These
persons having received their instructions, proceeded
to York, where they met the regent, the Duke of Nor-
folk, and the rest of the judges.
So far Elizabeth had been successful, and the position
in which she had placed herself was certainly most
solemn and imposing. Before her pleaded the Queen
of Scots, so late her rival and her opponent, now her
prisoner awaiting her award, and acknowledging, that
if restored to her dignity, she would owe all to her
interference. On the other hand, stood the regent, the
representative of the majesty of his sovereign, and the
governor of a kingdom, but now receiving the law from
her lips whose superior power he did not dare to resist.
To hear the cause were assembled the noblest and the
wisest in both countries ; and besides this, the misfor-
tunes of Mary had created so great and universal a
sensation, that it is no exaggeration when we say, the
eyes not only of England and Scotland, but of Europe,
were fixed upon the conferences now opening at York.
The commissioners, accordingly, having assembled,
the proceedings began ; but, on the very threshold, a
sharp dispute arose when Norfolk observed, that the
regent, having consented to plead before Elizabeth,
must first do homage to the English crown. The pro-
position was received as an insult; and Moray, red with
anger, was hesitating how to answer it, when the cooler
Lethington took up the word, and sarcastically re-
marked, that when the Scottish monarchs received
back again the counties of Northumberland and Cum-
berland, with the manor of Huntingdon, it would be
time to talk of homage ; but, as to the crown and king-
* Goodall, vol. ii. p. 109.
VOL. VII. N
198 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
dom of Scotland, both were more free than their own
England had recently been, when she paid Peter's pence
to Rome. * The mention of the point, however, ren-
dered some notice of it necessary, and after the oaths
had been administered, mutual protestations weYe
taken. { The commissioners of the Scottish queen
then gave in their complaint. It stated, in clear and
energetic language, the history of the rebellion against
Mary, her deposition and imprisonment, the usurpation
of the regency by Moray, her escape, defeat, and flight
into England, and her confident hope, that, by the
mediation of Elizabeth, she might be restored to the
peaceable enjoyment of her kingdom. J
All now looked with eagerness for Moray's reply,
confidently expecting that he would bring forward, as
his defence, the accusation of his sovereign, and the
promised proofs of her accession to the murder of the
king; but, to the surprise and disappointment of Eliza-
beth, he was seized with a repetition of his former fears^
and, instead of proceeding to any accusation, requested
a preliminary conference with the English commis-
sioners. Being admitted to it, he desired to know
whether they would grant him an assurance that their
mistress would pronounce the Queen of Scots guilty or
not guilty, according to the proofs which he laid before
them ; and, in the event of the conviction of the murder,
whether the Queen of England would sanction his pro-
ceedings, maintain the government of the king, and
support him in his office of regent. These questions
being remitted by the commissioners to Elizabeth, he
* Melvil's Memoirs, p. 206. Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii. p.
15. Also, Norfolk to Cecil, Oct. 9, 1568. Anderson, vol. iv. fait ii. p. 42.
f 1 Anderson, voL iv. part ii. pp. 49, 50.
Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 123, 126.
Ibid. voL ii. p. 130, 131. Oct. 9th, pp. 126, 127.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 199
gave in his defence, which produced new astonishment.
It rested solely on Mary's marriage with Bothwell,
and detailed the shameful circumstances by -which it
was accompanied, with the necessity of rising in arms
to defend the prince, and of subjecting the queen to a
temporary imprisonment, during which she voluntarily
resigned the crown. It added not a syllable, directly or
indirectly, accusing Mary of being an accomplice in the
murder, and did not even contain a hint or an allusion,
from which it could be gathered that the regent ever
entertained such a suspicion, (October tenth.)*
It was difficult to account for this sudden and un-
expected moderation upon the part of Moray. A few
weeks only had elapsed since he had been loud in his
accusations, and testified the utmost eagerness to bring
forward his proofs. He was now silent on the subject ;
his defence was general, almost to feebleness; and when,
after a few days 1 interval, it was replied to by Mary's
commissioners, who urged, forcibly and triumphantly,
the coalition between Bothwell and the lords, his trial
and acquittal, and their subsequent recommendation of
him as a husband to the queen, he sat down apparently
dispirited and confuted, and declined saying another
word upon the subject.
A secret intrigue, of which we have already had some
slight intimation from Mary's conversation with the
Bishop of Ross, furnishes us with a key to all this
mystery. It originated in the ambition of the Duke
of Norfolk, a nobleman then, perhaps, the most power-
ful subject in England, and who had long been a favourer
of Mary's title to the crown. There seems, too, to be
little doubt, that for some time Norfolk had entertained
* Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 139, 144 ; and Depeches de la Motte Fenelon, pub-
lished by Mr P. Cooper, voL i, pp. 17, 18, a very valuable work.
200 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
the idea of a marriage with the Scottish queen, and
that he deprecated the present proceedings against her
in the strongest manner, although he dared not refuse
the task imposed upon him bj Elizabeth. These feel-
ings, which he had secretly imparted to the Scottish
queen through his sister, Lady Scrope, who waited on
her, she had, as we have seen, communicated to Leth-
ington and the Bishop of Ross ; and Lethington, on
his arrival at York, procured a secret interview with
Norfolk.*
On this occasion the duke expressed his astonish-
ment that he and Moray should so far forget their
honour as to accuse their sovereign before Elizabeth
as if they thought that England was entitled to be
a judge or a superior over the kingdom of Scotland.
Lethington warmly deprecated the idea, blamed the
weakness of the regent, whose own feelings were against
the accusation; declared, for his own part, that he was
there, as- Moray well knew, rather as the friend than
the enemy of his sovereign, and professed his readiness
to exert every effort to quash the accusation.^ Nor-
folk then asked, whether he thought in this matter
Moray could be trusted, and the secretary affirming
that he might, the duke took the regent aside and
remonstrated with him on the folly and impolicy of his
present conduct. " The English queen, his mistress,"
he said, "was resolved during her life to evade the
question of the succession careless what blood might
be shed, or what confusion might arise upon the point ;
as to the true title, none doubted that it lay in the
Queen of Scots and her son, and much he marvelled
that the regent, whom he had always reputed a wise
* Examination of the Bishop of Ross. Murdiu, p. 53.
t Melvil's Memoirs, p. 206.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 201
and honourable man, should come hither to blacken his
mistress, and, as far as he could, destroy the prospect
of her and her son's succession.* Besides," added he,
"you are grievously deceived if you imagine the Queen
of England will ever pronounce sentence in this cause.
We are sent here, no doubt, as commissioners, but we
are debarred from coming to a decision, and Elizabeth
has fully resolved to arrive at none herself. Do you
not see that no answers have been returned to the
questions which upon this point were addressed by
you to us, and forwarded to the queen 2 Nay, you can
easily put the matter to a more certain proof : request
an assurance, under the queen's hand, that when you
accuse your sovereign and bring forward your proofs,
she will pronounce sentence. If you get it, act as you
please ; if it is not given, rest assured my information
is correct, and all that will come of your accusation will
be repentance for your own folly ."[
This conversation made a deep impression on Moray,
already sufficiently alive to the dangerous part he was
playing; and when he imparted it in confidence to
Lethingtonand Sir James Melvil, both of them strongly
confirmed him in the views stated by Norfolk, t From
his brother commissioners, Morton and Makgill, and
his secretary Wood, who had drawn up the proofs
against the Scottish queen, the regent carefully con-
cealed what had happened, but he determined to follow
Norfolk's advice, and bring forward no public accusa-
tion till he was assured of the course to be followed
by Elizabeth. Such is the secret history of Moray's
* Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 206, 207.
j* MelviPs Memoirs, pp. 207, 208, 4to edit. Melvil's authority here is
unquestionable, as he was not only present at York, hut the regent made
him privy to this secret interview. Also Depeches de la Motte Fenelon,
vol. i. p. 17.
J Melvil's Memoirs, p. 208.
202 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
sudden change, and the present moderation of his con-
duct towards the queen his sovereign.
But whilst a regard for his own interest prevented
him from assuming the character of a public accuser,
the regent privately exhibited to Norfolk, Sussex, and
Sadler the alleged proofs of Mary's guilt, consisting of
various bonds or contracts and other papers,, besides
some letters and love sonnets addressed by her to Both-
well, with a contract of marriage in the handwriting
of the Earl of Huntley. These letters had been found,
as the Scottish commissioners affirmed, in a little silver
casket or coffer; it had been given by the queen to
Bothwell, and was afterwards with its contents seized
by Morton, and they offered to swear that the letters
were written in Mary's own hand. Having carefully
inspected them, and drawn up a summary of their
contents, Norfolk transmitted it in a letter to Elizabeth,
requesting her judgment whether she considered them
sufficient to convict the queen of the murder of her
husband. He added, at the same time, his own opi-
nion and that of his brother commissioners, that the
proof was conclusive against her, if the letters were
really written with her own hand.*
This, however, was confidential, and unknown to
the world, so that if matters had terminated here the
result of the inquiry must have been considered highly
favourable to Mary. She had triumphantly confuted
Moray, and, after his boastful speeches, he had shrunk
from any open accusation. But Elizabeth was not to
be so easily defeated. She had resolved that Moray
should publicly accuse his sovereign of the murder, she
was convinced that such an event would be of the
* The Commissioners to Elizabeth, 1 1th October, 1568. Anderson, voL
IT. part ii. pp. 58, 63.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 203
greatest service to England whether the Scot jish queen
was to be restored to her dignity or detained a prisoner;
and with this view she suddenly removed the confer-
ences to Westminster, affirming that York was too
distant to allow of a speedy settlement of the contro-
versy, and taking particular care that neither Mary
nor her commissioners should suspect any sinister
intention upon her part.* How artfully this was
managed appears by the original draft of the English
queen's letter, still preserved, and partly in Cecil's
handwriting. In it Norfolk and his companions were
instructed to be especially careful that the Queen of
Scots' commissioners should gather no suspicion of the
ill success of her cause, but imagine that this new
measure was solely intended to accelerate their mis-
tress's restoration to her dignity on safe and honourable
terms, both for herself and her subjects. "f
It happened that at this moment Moray had made
a secret overture to Mary, which rendered this queen
less likely to dread any disadvantage to her cause from
the removal of the conferences to London. He had
sent Robert Melvil to Bolton, to propose a scheme, by
which all necessity for accusing his sovereign should
be removed, and an amicable compromise take place.
The Scottish queen was to ratify her demission of the
crown, which had been made in Lochleven, the regent
was to be confirmed in his government, and Mary was
to tarry in England, under the protection of Elizabeth,
and with a revenue suitable to her royal dignity. On
these conditions Moray was contented to be silent ; and
although at first the captive princess professed much
unwillingness to agree to such terms, she was at length
* La Motte Fenelon, vol. iv. p. 18.
f Original draft, State-paper Office, Papers of Marj ^uen of Scots, Oct.
16, 1568, Elizabeth to her Commissioners.
204- HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
convinced by the arguments of Melvil, that such a
settlement of the controversy was the best for her
interest and honour. She therefore despatched Melvil
to carry her consent to Moray;* she wrote to the
English queen, expressing her entire satisfaction that
her cause and her honour were now placed in her hands,
where she most wished them to be^and she despatched
four of her commissioners, Boyd, Herries, the Bishop
of Ross, and the Abbot of Kilwinning, to London.
On their arrival Elizabeth admitted them to an
audience; assured them that she had carefully weighed
all that had been done at York ; that the enemies of
the Queen of Scots appeared to her to have entirely
failed in their defence, as far as they had yet pleaded;
and that their only course was to acknowledge their
offences, return to their allegiance, and intercede for
pardon, which she would labour to procure them. For
this purpose she had removed the conferences to Lon-
don, and to make the settlement more solemn had joined
some other commissioners to those already named.
Nothing now remained but to proceed with the busi-
ness, first ascertaining whether Moray had anything
further to say in his defence.]:
When the regent repaired along with Lethington
and Makgill to London, it was with a determination
not to accuse Mary, but to remain true to his agree-
ment to Norfolk; and if anything should occur to
render its execution difficult or impossible, to fall back
upon his scheme for Mary's demission of the crown,
which he had so lately proposed, and to which she had
* MS. Declaration of Robert Melvil, Hopetoun MS. ; also MS. Letter,
State-paper Office, Knollys to Cecil, 25th October, 1568.
+ Mary to Elizabeth, 22d Oct, 1568. Anderson, vol. iv. part ii. p. 95.
+ Anderson, vol. IT. part ii. p. 95. Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol.
iii. pp. 25, 26.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 205
consented. But an interview with Elizabeth alarmed
and perplexed him ; he found, to his dismay, that she
was perfectly aware of his intrigues with Norfolk. The
whole transactions had been betrayed by a confidant
of Mary to Morton ; he had indignantly revealed it
to Cecil, and from him it reached the queen. Nor were
his difficulties lessened by a message from Mary her-
self, who informed him that the Duke of Norfolk had
forbid her to resign the crown ; and without his con-
sent she could not abide by her agreement.* Nothing
could be more embarrassing than his situation. On
the one hand Elizabeth did not conceal her anxiety,
that he should accuse the Scottish queen and bring
forward his proofs of the murder. She had everything
in her power ; she already hinted that, in case of his
refusal, it might be found necessary to bring forward
the Duke of Chastelherault, whose claim to the regency
was superior to his own ; and it is scarcely matter of
wonder that Moray faltered in his resolution. Yet,
should he consent to the wishes of the Queen of Eng-
land, he must bear the disgrace of betraying Norfolk.
On the other hand, if he remained true to this noble-
man, his fellow commissioners were ready to arraign
him of treachery to them and to the cause of his sove-
reign. Under these embarrassments he adopted a
middle course, and resolved to prepare the accusation,
but not to make it public until he had a positive assur-
ance that the Queen of England would pronounce
judgment.
Meanwhile Mary became alarmed at some private
intelligence which she received from Hepburn of Ric-
carton, a follower of Bothwell's, who was now in London,
and who assured her that so far from being favourable,
* Melvil's Declaration. Hopetoun MS.
206 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568-
Elizabeth was decidedly hostile to her, and would
probably succeed in compelling Moray to desert Nor-
folk and accuse his sovereign.* To meet such an
emergency she sent additional instructions to her
commissioners, by which their powers were limited to
the single act of extending her clemency to her dis-
obedient subjects. She added, that if they found any
encouragement given to her adversaries to accuse her,
they were instantly to demand her personal admission
to the presence of Elizabeth, and if this was refused
to break up the negotiation.*}-
The conferences were now opened in the chamber,
called the Camera depicta at Westminster, the com-
missioners of the Scottish queen having declined to
meet in any place where a judicial sentence had been
pronounced. They protested against anything which
was now done being interpreted against the rights of
their mistress, who, as a free princess, acknowledged
no judge or superior on earth ; and they required, that
as Moray "had been admitted to the presence of Eliza-
beth, and had calumniated his sovereign, the English
queen should grant the same privilege to the Queen
of Scots, and listen to her defence from her own lips.
To this Elizabeth replied, that it was far from her
intention to assume the character of a judge, or in
anything to touch their sovereign's honour; but, that
to admit her into her presence was impossible till the
cause was decided. J
With this answer they were compelled to be content;
and having retired, Moray and his friends were called
in, when, being informed that the defences recently
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Papers of Mary queen of Scots, Znollys
to Cecil, 21st November, 1568.
f Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 185, 186, 187.
J Ibid. pp. 188, 189, November 23, 1568,
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 207
made by them at York were considered inconclusive,
they were required to say whether they could urge
anything further in their behalf. To encourage them
to speak openly, Sir Nicholas Bacon, the lord-keeper,
assured the regent, in reply to the demands made at
York, that if the Queen of Scots should be proved
guilty of the murder of her husband, she should either
be delivered into his hands, her life being sufficiently
secured, or be kept in England ; and he added, that
if found guilty, Moray should be continued in the
regency, till it was shown that another had a superior
right.*
By this declaration Moray was somewhat reassured.
He had prepared his accusation, and the paper which
contained it was at that moment in the possession of
John Wood his secretary, who sat beside him at the
stable, and for greater security kept it in his bosom.
The regent now rose and declared how unwilling he
and his friends had ever been to touch the honour of
their sovereign, or to publish to strangers what might
eternally defame her; how readily, had it been possible,
they would have secured her reputation and preserved
their prince, even at the price of their own exile ; and
he solemnly protested, that if at last they were com-
pelled to pursue a different course, the blame was not
to be imputed to them, but rested with their enemies,
who constrained them to adopt it in their own defence,
and dragged into light the proofs which they had hither-
to concealed.-f- Having delivered this protest in writing,
Moray prepared to give in his accusation; but before he
took this last and fatal step, he required an assurance,
under the English queen's hand, that she would pro-
* Goodall, vol. ii. p. 201, 202, November 26, 1568.
f Anderson, vol. iv. part ii. pp. 115, 118.
208 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
nounce a judgment. To this Cecil replied, that he had
ample assurance already; and it ill became him to
suspect or doubt the word of their royal mistress.
Where, added he, is your accusation? It is here, said
Wood, plucking it from his bosom, and here it must
remain till we see the queen's handwrit ; but as he
spoke the paper was snatched from him by Bothwell
the bishop of Orkney, who sprung to the table pursued
by Wood, and, mid the ill-suppressed laughter of the
English commissioners, laid it before them. The scene,
as it is described by Melvil, must have been an extra-
ordinary one. The regent was deeply mortified, and
Cecil, smiling triumphantly, enjoyed his confusion ;
Lord William Howard, a rough seaman, shouted aloud,
and commended the activity of Bishop Turpy, a nick-
name of Orkney ; and Lethington, who was the saddest
of the company, whispered in Moray's ear, that he had
ruined his cause for ever. *
The die, however, was cast, and the charge which
had been so long withheld, was now preferred in the
broadest terms. The regent stated, that as Bothwell
was the chief executor of the horrible murder of their
late sovereign, so he and his friends affirmed that the
queen his wife had persuaded him to commit it ; that
she was not only in the foreknowledge of the same, but
a maintainer of the assassins, as she had shown by
thwarting the course of justice, and by marrying the
chief author of that foul crime, -f* To give additional
force and solemnity to this proceeding, the Earl of
Lennox, father to the murdered king, at this moment
presented himself before the commissioners ; and, having
bewailed in pathetic terms the miserable fate of his son,
* Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 210, 211.
f Anderson, vol. iv. part iL p. 119.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 209
delivered to them a paper, in which he accused Mary
in direct terms of conspiring his death.*
When informed of this proceeding, the deputies of
this princess expressed the utmost indignation; they
declared that nothing could be more false and calumni-
ous than such a statement ; that some of those persons
who now with shameless ingratitude sought to blacken
their sovereign, were themselves deeply implicated in
the murder; and they required an immediate audience
of Elizabeth, -f- When admitted to her presence, they
complained in strong terms of the manner in which she
had conducted the proceedings ; they reminded her, how
carefully it had been provided, that in the absence of
their royal mistress, nothing should be done which
might affect her honour and royal estate ; this, they
declared, had been directly infringed; she had admitted
her subjects into her presence ; they had been encou-
raged to load her with the most atrocious imputations ;
it was now, therefore, their duty, as custodiars of their
mistress's honour, to demand that, in common justice,
she should also be heard in person ; and to beseech her
to arrest the authors of such slanderous practices, till
they should answer the charges which should be brought
against them. J
This demand perplexed Elizabeth. It was a just and
spirited assertion on the part of the Scottish commis-
sioners of their mistress's undoubted right ; but the
English queen had not the slightest intention of ac-
quiescing in it. She had now gained her first point,
Moray having at last publicly arraigned Mary of the
murder; but another and greater object remained: she
was desirous of getting possession of the proofs of her
* Anderson, vol. iv. part ii. p. 122.
f Goodall, Appendix, vol. ii. p. 209-213, inclusive.
J Ibid. p. 213-219. La Motte Fenelon, vol. i. p. 38-51.
210 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
guilt ; of exhibiting them to her council ; and either
publishing them to the world, or employing them in
intimidating her unhappy prisoner into an acceptance
of any terms she dictated. Her mode of accomplishing
this was artful and politic. It was, no doubt, quite
reasonable, she said, addressing the commissioners of
the queen, that their mistress should appear to defend
herself against so heinous an imputation as the murder
of her husband, a crime of which she never had believed
her guilty. As for a personal interview, the only reason
why she had refused this was, on account of the com-
mon slander against her; and now, since the accusation
had been publicly made, it would be inconsistent, alike
with her honour and that of their mistress, to consent
to any compromise or agreement, until the regent and
his friends had been called upon to prove their allega-
tions. She, therefore, had resolved to send for them
and demand their proofs, after which she would will-
ingly hear- their mistress.*
The commissioners remonstrated against the manifest
partiality and injustice of such a proceeding: they ob-
served, that her majesty must, of course, act as she
pleased ; but, for their part, they would never consent
that their sovereign's rebellious subjects should be
further heard, till she herself were admitted to declare
her innocence ; and they ended, by solemnly protesting
that nothing done hereafter should in any way affect
or prejudge her rights.-f So far, everything on their
part was consistent and agreeable to the indignant feel-
ings of a person unjustly accused; but their next step
is perplexing, and seems not so easily reconcileable with
Mary's perfect innocence ; for, on the same day, they
* Goodall, vol. 15. p. 221, December 4.
f Ibid. vol. iL p. 223.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 211
made a final proposalfor a compromise, by whichMoray,
notwithstanding his accusation, might still once more
be admitted to the favour of his sovereign, and the
disputes between her and her subjects be settled.* They
added that this scheme seemed to them most consonant
to the first intentions of both the queens. It was re-
jected, however, by Elizabeth : any compromise, she
said, would now affect Mary's honour; better far would
it be to summon her accusers, to reprimand and chastise
them for the defamation of their sovereign. She would
not call for proofs ; but if they persisted in their charge
it would be proper to hear what they could allege in
their defence, -f-
Such a proposal for a compromise would certainly
tell strongly against the innocence of the Scottish
queen, had it proceeded from herself, after the accusa-
tion brought forward by Moray; but this was not the
case. It came from her commissioners alone, and, as
they afterwards asserted, without any communication
with their mistress. When at last they found it de-
clined, and perceived that Elizabeth had formed a re-
solution to hear from Moray the alleged proofs of their
sovereign's guilt, before she was suffered to open her
lips in her defence, they resolved to be equally per-
emptory : as soon, therefore, as the regent was sum-
moned before the English commissioners, the Bishop
of Ross and his associates demanded admission ; and,
coming forward, at once dissolved the conference. They
declared, that since the Queen of England was deter-
mined to receive from the regent the proofs of his in-
jurious allegations against their sovereign, before she
was heard in her presence, they were compelled to
* Se Anderson, vol. iv. part ii. pp. 135, 137, for the particulars of thia
last proposal.
fid. Ibid. pp. 139, 140.
212 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
break off all proceedings, and they delivered a written
protest, that nothing done hereafter should prejudice
the honour or estate of their royal mistress. Cecil and
the commissioners declined to receive this paper, affirm-
ing, that it misrepresented the answer of the English
queen ; but the Scottish deputies withdrew, repeating
that they would neither treat nor appear again. *
From this moment the conferences were truly at an
end, but Elizabeth^ object was still to be attained ;
Moray, therefore, was charged with having defamed
his sovereign by an unfounded accusation, and required
to defend himself. He did so, by the production of
those celebrated letters and sonnets, which Elizabeth
had already secretly examined, and of which he now
produced both the originals and the copies. Of these,
the originals have long since disappeared, and the gar-
bled state of the copies which now exist, and which
appear to have been tampered with, certainly renders
their evidence of a suspicious nature. At this time,
however, both originals and copies were laid before the
commissioners, after which the depositions of some
servants of the late king, and the confessions of Powrie
and others, executed for the murder, were produced.
Having proceeded thus far, and the English commis-
sioners being in possession of the whole proofs against
the Scottish queen, it might have been expected that
some opinion would have been pronounced by them.
Nothing of this kind, however, took place, neither did
Elizabeth herself think it then expedient to say a word
upon the subject ; but, after a short season of delay, she
resolved to bring the cause before a more numerous tribu-
nal. With this view, the chief of her nobility were sum-
moned to attend a meeting of the privy-council. There
* Anderson, voL iv. part ii. pp. 145, 146, December 6, 1568.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 213
came, accordingly, the Earls of Northumberland, West-
moreland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Warwick, and
Huntingdon, and from some expressions dropt by Cecil,
in a letter to Norris,* it may be gathered, that it was
intended, with their advice, to come at last to some
important and final decision. Yet this third solemn
preparation ended, like the rest, in nothing. After
the lords had been sworn to secrecy, the whole evidence
against the Queen of Scots was laid before them ; and
instead of a judgment upon the authenticity of the
proofs, and the alleged guilt of the accused, these noble
persons contented themselves with a vague allusion to
the "foul matters they had seen," and a general ap-
proval of the course adopted by their sovereign. Eliza-
beth next sent for the Scottish commissioners ; and, in
reply to their demand so recently made for the admis-
sion of their royal mistress to defend herself in her
presence, informed them that, from the turn matters
had taken, it had become now more impossible than
ever to listen to such a request. It was easy, she said,
for Mary either to send some confidential person to
court with her defence, or to permit the English queen
to despatch some noblemen to receive it, or to authorize
her deputies to reply to the English commissioners.
If she still refused to adopt any one of these methods
to vindicate herself, she must not be surprised if so
obstinate a silence should be interpreted into an admis-
sion of guilt.-}*
These specious offers and arguments did not impose
upon the Bishop of Ross and his colleagues. They
remonstrated loudly against the injustice with which
their royal mistress had been treated; they insisted
that since she was denied the common privilege of a
* Cabala, p. 155. f Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 257, 260, 263, 264.
VOL. VII. O
214 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
personal defence, she should be permitted to return as
a free princess to her own kingdom, or, if she preferred
it, to retire to France; and at the same time, as their
services were no longer necessary, they requested their
dismissal from court.* The queen replied, they might
go to Bolton and consult with their mistress, but should
not leave England till the conference was at an end.
She then addressed to Mary a letter, of which the ob-
ject seemed to be, to intimidate her into a defence; but
so perplexed and capricious was Elizabeth's mind at
this moment, that on the next day she changed her
measures ; and, in a private communication to Knollys
the vice-chamberlain, who then had charge of the
Scottish queen, declared her anxiety to proceed no
farther in her cause. It appeared to her, she said, a
far better method to endeavour to persuade Mary to
resign the government into the hands of Moray ; whilst
the prince her son, for his safety, should be brought
into England. She herself, too, it was added might
continue in that country, and this whole cause of hers,
wherewith she had been charged, be committed to per-
petual silence, -j*
Knollys was directed to manage matters so that this
proposal might proceed from herself: but whilst Eliza-
beth was thus tossed about by so many intricate and
contradictory schemes, Mary had transmitted directions
to her commissioners which defeated this last artifice.
She informed them, that although she still insisted
on her right to be heard in person, and adhered to her
protestation, it was not her intention to pass over in
silence the atrocious calumnies with which she had been
assailed ; that Moray and his accomplices in accusing
* Goodall, vol. ii. p. 267, 268.
t Ibid. vol. ii. p. 279, Dec. 22, 1568.
1568. REGENCY OF MORAY. 215
her had been guilty of a traitorous falsehood, and had
imputed to her a crime of which they were guilty them-
selves. She then enjoined them to demand inspection
both of the copies and the originals of the letters which
had been produced against her, and she engaged to
give sucji an answer as should triumphantly establish
her innocence.
This spirited appeal, which was made by the Scottish
commissioners in peremptory terms,* threw Elizabeth
into new perplexity, and it required all the skill of
Cecil to evade it. Recourse was had to delay, but it
produced no change ; and on the seventh January, the
Bishop of Ross required an audience, in which he re-
peated the demand in still stronger language. His
royal mistress, he said, was ready to answer her calum-
niators, and once more required, in common justice, to
see the letters, or at least the copies of the letters which
had been produced by her enemies, that she might
prove them to be themselves the principal authors of
the murder, and expose them to all Christian princes
as liars and traitors. ~f* This fair and moderate request
Elizabeth evaded. It appeared to her better, she said,
that Mary should resign the crown in favour of her
son ; that, on the ground of being weary of the govern-
ment, she should remain privately in England, and
make a compromise with her enemies.]: Itwas instantly
answered by Ross, that he had his mistress's command
to declare that to such a condition she would never
agree : if the letters were produced, and she was per-
mitted to see the evidence against her, she was prepared
to defend herself. She was ready also to entertain any
honourable proposal by which a pardon might be ex-
* Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 288. 289.
f Id. Ibid. p. 297, 299.
Ibid. p. 300.
216 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568.
tended to her disobedient subjects, notwithstanding the
greatness of their offences; but to resign her crown
would be to condemn herself; it would be said, she
was afraid of a public accusation, and shrunk from in-
quiry : this, therefore, she would sooner die than con-
sent to, and the last words she uttered should be those
of a Queen of Scotland.*
Elizabeth struggled violently against this determi-
nation, and was unwilling to receive it. She entreated
Ross again to write to his mistress, but this he steadily
refused. She required him and his colleagues to con-
fer with her council. They did so, but it was only to
reiterate Mary's final resolution.^
It was now become absolutely necessary that the
Queen of England should either grant this last request,
or refuse it, and pronounce a final judgment. Moray
earnestly urged the necessity of a return to his govern-
ment. From Mary no change of mind was to be ex-
pected. - The regent was accordingly summoned before
the privy-council, and Cecil delivered to him and his as-
sociates the definitive sentence of Elizabeth. Its terms
were most extraordinary : he stated, on one hand, that
as Moray and his adherents had come into England,
at the desire of the queen's majesty, to answer to an
accusation preferred by their sovereign, she was of
opinion that nothing had as yet been brought forward
against them which impaired their honour or allegiance.
He declared, on the other hand, with regard to Mary,
that nothing had been produced or shown by them
against the queen their sovereign, which should induce
the Queen of England, for anything yet seen, to con-
ceive an ill opinion of her good sister ; and he concluded
* Goodall, vol. ii. p. 301.
t Id. Ibid. p. 304, January 9, J 568-9.
1568-9. REGENCY OF MORAY. 217
by informing Moray, that he should immediately re-
ceive permission to return to his government. * From
this judgment, which was virtually an acquittal of Mary,
it seems an inevitable inference, that the English queen,
after having had the most ample opportunities of ex-
amining the letters which had been produced, either
considered them to be forgeries by the other party, or
found that they had been so interpolated, garbled, and
tampered with, as to be unworthy of credit ; for no one
can deny, that if the letters were genuine, the Queen of
Scots was guilty of the murder.
But if Mary was acquitted, Moray also was found
guiltless ; and these two conclusions, so utterly incon-
sistent with each other, Elizabeth had the hardihood
to maintain. When we consider the solemnity of the
cause, the length of the conferences, the direct accusa-
tion of Moray and his associates, the recrimination of
the queen, the evidence produced, and the impossibility
that both parties could be innocent, the sentence of
Elizabeth is perhaps the most absurd judicial opinion
ever left upon record.
It was followed by a scene no less remarkable. A
privy-council was called at Hampton Court, on the
eve of Moray's departure. It included the Duke of
Norfolk, the Earls of Pembroke, Derby, Bedford, and
Leicester, with Sir William Cecil, and Sir Walter
Mildmay. Before it were summoned the Bishop of
Ross and Lord Herries, on the one side ; on the other
came Moray, Morton, Lethington, Makgill, Orkney,
Balnaves, and Buchanan ; and when they were met,
Cecil, rising up, delivered a message from the queen
his mistress. She had determined, he said, to give
the Earl of Moray and his adherents permission to
* Goodall, voL ii. p. 305. January, 10, 1568-9.
213 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568-9.
depart for Scotland ; but a rumour having arisen that
they were concerned in the murder of the king, Moray
had desired to be confronted with the deputies of the
Queen of Scots, and he now came there to know
whether they would accuse him or his adherents, in
their mistress's name or in their own.*
To this challenge the Queen of Scots' commissioners
immediately answered, that in their own name they
had affirmed, and would affirm, nothing; but, with
respect to the queen their mistress, they had received
her written instructions to accuse the Earl of Moray
and his adherents as the principal authors, and some
of them the actual perpetrators of the murder. They
had communicated, they said, their sovereign's letters
on this point to the Queen of England they had
publicly preferred their accusation, they had constantly
adhered to it they had offered to defend the innocence
of their mistress, they had demanded in vain an in-
spection of the letters produced against her, and even
now, if exact copies were furnished, they would under-
take her defence, and demonstrate, by convincing
proofs, what persons were indeed guilty of the murder
of the king.-f- Moray strongly asserted his innocence,
and offered to go to Bolton and abide in person the
arraignment of his sovereign. It was answered, that
such a step was wholly unnecessary, as her written
accusation had been produced to the Queen of Eng-
land. Both parties then left the council, and next day
the regent received permission to return to Scotland,
(January 12.)J
It remained to dismiss their antagonists with an
appearance of liberality, and being once more called
before the privy-council, Cecil intimated to them his
* Goodall, vol. it p. 307. t Ibid. p. 308. J Ibid, p. 309.
1568-9. REGENCY OF MORAY. 219
mistress's consent, that the Queen of Scots should have
copies of the letters, (the originals having been rede-
livered to Moray,) 1 but he first required them to procure
a declaration, under her seal and signature, that she
would reply to the charges which they contained. It
was answered, that Elizabeth had already two writings
of the precise tenor required, under the queen's hand;
to seek for more was only a vexatious delay. The
whole proceedings, from first to last, had been partial
and unjust. If the regent and his adherents were
permitted to depart, why was their royal mistress, why
were they themselves debarred from the same privilege?
If the Queen of England were really solicitous that
she should enter upon her defence, let her adversaries
be detained until it was concluded. To this spirited
remonstrance, it was coldly and briefly replied, that
Moray had promised to return when called for; as for
the Scottish commissioners, they also would probably
be allowed to depart, but for many reasons the Queen
of Scotland could not be suffered to leave England.
Against this iniquitous sentence, no redress was to be
hoped for ; the deputies could only protest that nothing
done by her in captivity should prejudge her honour,
estate, or person, and having taken this final precaution,
they left the council.*
It is difficult from the conferences at York and
Westminster, to draw any certain conclusion as to
the probability of Mary's guilt or innocence. Both
Elizabeth and the Queen of Scots acted with great art ;
and throughout the discussions neither the professions
of the one or of the other were sincere. Thus the
English queen, whilst she affected an extreme anxiety
to promote a reconciliation between Mary and her sub-
* Goodall, vol. ii. pp. 310, 313.
220 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568-9.
jects, was really desirous that the breach should be
made irreconcileable, by the accusation of Moray, and
the production of the letters. Nor does there seem to
be any doubt that Norfolk's assertion was correct, when
he assured Lethington she had no intention of pro-
nouncing a decision. On the other hand, it is clear
that, during the first part of the conferences, both Mary
and her advisers, Ross, Herries, and Lethington, were,
from whatever motive, anxious to suppress Moray's
charge; that they deprecated the production of his
evidence ; and were only induced to go into the in-
vestigation from the hope which Elizabeth held out
that she would not permit an accusation, but exert
herself, under all' circumstances, to promote a recon-
ciliation between the Scottish queen and her subjects,
and restore her to the throne. It must have struck the
reader, that whenever, by means of the private letters
which have been preserved, we get behind the scenes,
and are admitted to Mary's secret consultations with
her commissioners, or to their own opinion on the
conduct of the cause, we meet with no assertion of the
forgery of the letters ; and it seems to me difficult to
reconcile her agreement to resign the crown, and sup-
press all inquiry, a measure only prevented by the
interference of Norfolk, with her absolute innocence.
On the other hand, there are some circumstances,
especially occurring during the latter part of the con-
ferences, which tell strongly in her favour. The
urgency with which, from first to last, she solicited a
personal interview with Elizabeth, and promised if it
were granted to go into her defence ; the public and
oft-repeated assertion of the forgery of the letters, and
the offer to prove this if copies were furnished to her
commissioners ; Elizabeth's evasion of this request ;
1568-9. REGENCY OF MORAY. 221
her entire suppression of these suspicious documents ;
their subsequent disappearance ; and the schemes of
Norfolk for a marriage with Mary ; these are all cir-
cumstances which seem to me exceedingly irreconcile-
able with her being directly guilty of the murder of
her husband. Upon the whole, it appears to me, that
in the present state of the controversy, we are really
not in possession of evidence sufficient to enable any
impartial inquirer to come to an absolute decision. I
have already pointed out, as the circumstances occurred,
such moral evidence against the queen as arose out of
her conduct both before and after her marriage with
Bothwell. The discussions at York and Westminster
do not materially affect this evidence, either one way
or the other ; and, so far as we judge of these confer-
ences by themselves, they leave the mind under the
unsatisfying and painful impression that the conduct
of the Scottish queen throughout the whole investiga-
tion, was that of a person neither directly guilty, nor
yet wholly innocent.
But, whilst animadverting on the proceedings of
Elizabeth and Mary in these celebrated conferences,
the conduct of the regent must not be forgotten. He
was then perfectly aware of the accession of both Leth-
ington and Morton to the murder of the king : this
both prior and subsequent events proved ; yet did he
not scruple to bring these two accomplices to England,
and employ Morton as his assistant in the accusation of
his sovereign. Such a course, which could be dictated
only by the ambition of retaining the whole power of the
government in his hands, seems unworthy of the man
who was the leader of the Reformation in Scotland, and
professed an extraordinary regard for religion : it was
cruel, selfish, and unprincipled. Nor is this all : making
222 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568-9.
every allowance for the defective justice of the times,
it is impossible to defend Moray's management of the
evidence against Mary. There can be little doubt, I
think, that some letters addressed by this unfortunate
princess to Both-well, did really fall into the, hands of
her enemies ; but the regents refusal to produce the
originals to the accused, and the state in which the
copies have descended to our times, evidently garbled,
altered, and interpolated, throws on him the utmost
suspicion, and renders it impossible for any sincere
inquirer after the truth to receive such evidence. If
the only proofs of Mary's guilt had been these letters
produced at Westminster, the task of her defenders
would have been comparatively an easy one.* It is
the moral evidence arising out of her own conduct,
which weighs heaviest against her. But to return.
Upon the conclusion of the conferences, the Scottish
queen exerted herself to rouse her partisans in Scotland,
and animate them to a vindication of their independence
against the practices of Elizabeth. Acting by the
advice of Cecil her chief minister, the Queen of England
had formed a scheme by which, under the nominal
regency of Moray, she would herself have managed
the whole affairs of the country. The project, drawn
up in the handwriting of its astute author, still exists ;
the- young prince was to be delivered up by Moray,
* I have purposely abstained from quoting or entering into the arguments
of the writers in the controversy which has arisen on the subject of these
letters, and of Mary's guilt or innocence. My object has been to attempt,
from original and unquestionable evidence, to give the facts ; not to overload
the narrative with argument or controversy. The reader who may wish to
pursue the points farther, will find ample room for study in the volumes of
Goodall, of Tytler my venerated grandfather, of Laing, Whitaker, and Chal-
mers. Upon the whole, my grandfather's " Historical and Critical Enquiry,"
as it appears in the 4th Edition, London, 1790, may still I think be appealed
to, not only as the best defence of Mary, but, in a controversy which has been
deformed by much coarse and bitter invective, as the most pleasing and
elegant work which has appeared on the subject. It is, throughout, the
production of a scholar and a gentleman.
1568-9. REGENCY OF MORAY. 223
and educated in England under the eye of Elizabeth ;
the regent was to be continued in his office, receiving,
of course, his instructions from the Queen of England,
on whom he was to be wholly dependent; and the
Queen of Scots was to be persuaded to remain where
she was by arguments which Cecil minutely detailed.*
These insidious proposals were discovered by Mary,
and being communicated to her friends, exaggerated
by her fears and indignation, raised the utmost alarm
in Scotland. The regent, it was said, had sold the
country, he was ready to deliver up the principal for-
tresses, he had agreed to acknowledge the superiority
of England, he looked himself to the throne, and was
about to procure a deed of legitima/tiony by which he
should be capable of succeeding if the young prince
died without issue. Such reports flew from one end
of the country to the other; and as he was not on the
spot to contradict them, and cape with his adversaries,
their effects were highly favourable to the captive
queen.
In the meantime, although he had received per-
mission to return to his government, Moray found
himself very unpleasantly situated. He was deeply
in debt, and although he had lent himself an easy tool
in the hands of the Queen of England, she refused to
assist him. If, indeed^ we may believe Sir James
Melvil, who had an intimate personal acquaintance
with the history of these times, she really despised
him for his subserviency, and enjoyed his distresses.
This was not all : the Duke of Norfolk was enraged
at his late conduct ; he had broken all the promises
made to this nobleman ; and, as Norfolk commanded
the whole strength of the northern counties, through
* MS. British Museum, Caligula, C. i. fol. 273, 22d December, 1568.
224 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1568-9.
which lay Moray's route homeward, he dreaded being
way-laid before he crossed the Border. Nor was such
an apprehension without good foundation, as a plot
for his assassination, of which it is said both Norfolk
and Mary were cognizant, was actually organized, and
the execution of it committed to the Earl of Westmore-
land.* Under these difficulties Moray had recourse
to dissimulation. With much address he procured a
reconciliation with Norfolk, expressed deep contrition
for the part he had been compelled to act against his
sovereign, and declared, that his feelings upon the
subject of the marriage between her and the duke
remained unaltered : it was still his conviction, he said,
that such a union would be eminently beneficial to
both kingdoms, and he was ready to promote it by
every means in his power. To prove his sincerity
he opened the matter to the Bishop of Ross, he sent
Robert Melvil to propose it to Mary herself, he pro-
mised to use his influence for its furtherance with the
Scottish nobles, and in the end he so completely reas-
sured the duke, that this nobleman procured the regent
a loan of five thousand pounds from Elizabeth, and
sent the strictest injunctions to his adherents not to
molest him in any way upon his return.^
With Mary herself, his artifices did not stand him
in less stead. Her friends in Scotland were at this
time mustering in great strength. She had appointed
the Duke of Chastelherault and the Earls of Argyle
and Huntley her lieutenants. The two earls com-
manded the north ; the Duke was ready to rise with
the whole strength of the Hamiltons ; Lord Boyd and
other powerful nobles were preparing for action, and
* Murdin's State Papers, p. 51.
f* Lesley's Negotiations in Anderson, vol. iii. p. 40.
1568-9. REGENCY OF MORAY. 225
had these combined forces been brought into the field,
Moray must have been overwhelmed. But at this
crisis the queen and Norfolk were deceived by his pro-
fessions of repentance ; and Mary, trusting to his
expressions of devotion to her interest, commanded
her adherents to abstain from all hostilities. They
reluctantly obeyed, and the regent congratulating
himself on his own address and the credulity of his
opponents, returned secure and unmolested to his
government.
On his arrival in Scotland Moray dropped the mask,
and exerted himself with energy against his opponents.
He held a convention of the nobility, clergy, and com-
missaries of the burghs at Stirling; he procured an
approbation of his conduct, and a ratification of his
proceedings in England; and lastly he gave orders for
a general muster of the force of the kingdom.*
On the other hand, the Duke, Cassillis, and Lord
Herries, as soon as they came home, assumed a bold
tone ; issued a proclamation, in which the regent was
branded as a usurper ; mustered their strength, forti-
fied their houses, and showed a determination to put
all to the arbitrement of the sword. But the rapidity
with which Moray assembled his army disconcerted
them. It was evident, that although willing to enter
into terms, he was better prepared than his opponents
to act upon the offensive ; and after a personal con-
ference with the regent at Glasgow, (March thirteenth,)
they concluded a treaty of peace.-f- It was agreed,
that a convention of the nobility should be held upon
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, 8th February, 1568-9.
Ibid, same to same, 17tb February, 1568-9. Ibid, same to same, 25th Feb-
ruary, 1568-9. Ibid. B.C., Moray to Sir John Forster, 15th March, 1568-9.
t Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 141. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 13th
March, 1568-9. Heads of the communing between the Earl of Moray on
the one part, and the Earl of Cassillis and others on the other part.
226 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
the tenth of April for the settlement of the affairs of
the country, and that in the mean season there should
be a suspension of hostilities. Moray simply insisted
that Chastelherault and his adherents should acknow-
ledge the authority of the king. The Duke agreed to
this, on condition that all who had been forfeited for
their obedience to the queen, should be restored, that
such measures should be taken for the maintenance of
her honour and welfare as were consistent with the
sovereignty of the king, and that a committee selected
from the nobles on both sides should meet at Edinburgh
to deliberate upon a general pacification. It embraced
the regent himself, the Duke, and the Earls of Huntley,
Argyle, Morton, Mar, Athole, Glencairn, and Lord
Herries. For his part, Moray stipulated that these
noblemen should repair to Edinburgh and return to
their estates in security, whilst they agreed to disband
their forces and surrender themselves or their eldest
sons as a security for the performance of the treaty.*
A temporary tranquillity being thus restored, the
leaders of both parties repaired to Stirling, where the
Archbishop of St Andrew's, the Earl of Cassillis, and
Lord Herries, placed themselves in Moray's hands as
hostages ; and the regent, in return, released the pri-
soners taken at the battle of Langside. It was expected
that he would next disband his force ; but, seizing this
moment of leisure, he led them against the Border
mafauders, who, from the long interruption of justice
in these districts, were become formidable to both king-
doms. His expedition was successful, and it was a
politic stroke, for it afforded him a good excuse for
keeping up his forces, and it taught them confidence
in themselves and their leader. When he returned
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, March 15, 1568-9. Moray to Sir J. Ferster
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 227
to the capital, it was with spirits animated by victory,
and with a secret determination never to lay down his
arms till he had compelled his enemies to submit to
such terms as he was pleased to dictate. /
The tenth of April, being the day for the convention
of the nobles, now arrived; and, according to agreement,
the Duke, Cassillis, Herries, and other nobles who com-
posed the committee, (Huntley and Argyle excepted,)
met at Edinburgh. Two points of much difficulty,
and almost irreconcileable with each other, were to be
settled the continuance of the king's government, and
the restoration and return of the captive queen ; but
Moray had no serious intention of entering into dis-
cussion upon either. When, therefore, the counsellors
were assembled, he rose, and haughtily handing a paper
to the Duke of Chastelherault, desired him and his asso-
ciates, before proceeding farther, to sign an acknowledg-
ment of the king's authority. The Duke remonstrated :
the demand, he said, was unjust and premature, as the
regent well knew. The object of this conference, was
to deliberate on the measures to be adopted towards
their captive sovereign : let him propose such measures
himself, or listen to him and his friends when they
brought them forward. If both parties were agreed
upon them, he and his adherents were ready to sub-
scribe to the king's authority ; they had observed every
article of the late treaty; they had trusted themselves
in the regent's power; their hostages were in his hands ;
their lives and their lands at his disposal ; but they had
relied upon his honour, most solemnly pledged and
signed, nor could they believe that he would disgrace
himself by an act of fraud and tyranny. To this spirited
remonstrance Moray did not vouchsafe an answer, but
ordered his guards instantly to apprehend the Duke
228 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
and Lord Herries. The last nobleman being the most
formidable, was hurried a prisoner to the castle of
Edinburgh without a moment's delay ; the Duke next
morning shared the same fate. *
This outrage was beheld with deep indignation by
the country, and estranged from the regent some of his
best friends ; but it intimidated his opponents, and
rendered Argyle and Huntley more inclined to an
accommodation. These noblemen wielded the whole
power of the northern districts, and had refused to sign
the pacification at Glasgow. So deep was their enmity
to Moray, that they had accused him in a public paper,
presented during the conferences at Westminster, of
being accessory to the murder of the king ; and since
that time they had left nothing undone to support the
interests of their sovereign, and destroy the authority
of the regent. But the late scenes in the capital had
alarmed them ; they saw him supported by England;
at the head of a large force ; his opponents in prison ; the
southern part of the kingdom reduced to obedience ; and
they deemed it prudent to enter into an accommodation.
Argyle consented to acknowledge the king's authority,
and was immediately received into favour. With Hunt-
ley, who had acted more independently for the queen,
and granted commissions in her name, the arrangement
was more difficult. But, at last, all was settled in a
meeting at St Andrew's, and the northern lord sub-
scribed his adherence to the government, surrendered
his artillery, and delivered hostages for his peaceable
behaviour, (tenth May.)"f* To secure his advantage,
the regent immediately led his army into the north,
* Mel vil's Memoirs, p. 219. History of James the Sext, pp. 39, 40. MS.
Letter, State-paper Office, Herries to Elizabeth, 5th July, 1569.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Lord Hunsdon to Cecil, May 19,
1669, and Spottiswood, p. 229.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 229
reduced the country, levied heavy fines on all who had
risen in favour of the queen, compelled the clans to
swear allegiance, and returned, enriched and confident,
to hold a great convention of the nobility, which he
had appointed to meet at Perth on the twenty-fifth of
July.*
To explain the object of this assembly, we must look
back for a moment, and recall to mind the intrigues
which had taken place between Moray, Lethington,
and the Duke of Norfolk, to bring about a marriage
between this nobleman and the Scottish queen. The
project had originated in the busy and politic brain of
Lethington, it had been encouraged and furthered by
the regent, and its success was ardently anticipated
by the duke, who carried on a correspondence with
Moray upon the subject, and trusted in the end to pro-
cure the consent of his own sovereign. A secret of this
kind, however, is difficult to keep in a court ; and some-
thing coming to Elizabeth's ears, she broke forth with
much passion, and attacked the duke, who saved him-
self by his address. He would admit, he said, that
proposals had been made to him on the subject by some
noblemen. These he could not have prevented, but he
had never seriously entertained them, and, indeed, ho
was not likely to do so, as he loved to sleep upon a safe
pillow.-J- His earnestness reassured Elizabeth; and
Norfolk, believing that he had lulled all her suspicions,
had the rashness and folly to continue his correspon-
dence with Mary.
After some time, the scheme assumed a definite form,
and was secretly supported by a large party of the
nobility in both countries. Leicester earnestly pro-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Aberdeen, July 7, 1569.
t Trial of the Duke of Norfolk, Jardine, vol. i. p. 162.
VOL. VII. P
230 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
moted it, the Earls of Arundel, Pembroke, Bedford,
Shrewsbury, Northumberland, and Westmoreland,
gave it their full concurrence. Sir Nicholas Throck-
morton laboured warmly in the cause ; even the cau-
tious Cecil, to whom it was early communicated, con-
tributed his advice. *
In Scotland the plan was managed by Lethington,
the regent, and his secretary Wood ; whilst the Bishop
of Ross, and the Lord Boyd, communicated with Mary,
who corresponded with the duke, and professed her
readiness to be divorced from Bothwell. Nothing, in
short, was wanting, but the consent of Elizabeth, and
the concurrence of the Scottish nobility. To conciliate
and convince the English queen, Leicester proposed
that Lethington should repair to England. To ensure
the second, it was resolved that the matter should be
brought before that convention of the whole nobility,
which was to meet at Perth on Moray's return from
the north.
In the meantime, whilst these secret transactions
were carefully concealed, the Bishop of Ross, who re-
mained in England, carried on an open negotiation for
his mistress's restoration. To this Elizabeth, with the
desire of keeping a check over Moray, affected to listen;
and Lord Boyd was despatched with some proposals
on this subject, to be communicated first to Mary her-
self, and afterwards, when she had given her consent,
to be broken to the Scottish nobility. These articles,
Camden affirms, were drawn up by Leicester.-f- They
stipulated that the Scottish queen, on condition of being
reinstated in the government of her kingdom, should
enter into a perpetual league with England, establish
* Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, voL iii. pp. 51, 61, 62. Camden'i
Elizabeth, Kennet, vol. ii. p. 420.
f Camden's Elizabeth. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 419-420.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 231
the Protestant religion, receive to favour her rebellious
subjects, and give assurance to Elizabeth that neither
she nor her issue should be molested by any claims
upon the English throne. Another article was added
on the marriage with Norfolk, but was carefully con-
cealed from the English queen. It recommended this
union, as the only measure which was likely to restore
tranquillity to both kingdoms ; and, to enforce it more
effectually, Leicester and his friends despatched a special
messenger, Mr Candish, who accompanied Lord Boyd
to Tutbury, and carried letters and costly presents to
Mary.* To some of the conditions she immediately
consented, on others she demurred and requested time
to consult her foreign allies ; as to the projected mar-
riage, her sorrowful experience, she said, inclined her
to prefer a solitary life ; yet, if the remaining condi-
tions were settled to her satisfaction, she was not indis-
posed to Norfolk, provided Elizabeth were consulted,
and her consent obtained, -f
On receiving this favourable reply, Norfolk became
impatient to complete his ambitious project. He courted
popularity, kept open house, strengthened himself by
every possible means, and communicated his design to
the French and Spanish ambassadors, who, after con-
sulting their courts, gave him their encouragement and
support. Nor did he neglect the Scottish regent, with
whom he kept up a close correspondence, and who as-
sured him of his continued fidelity and devotion to his
service. It may seem strange that Norfolk should have
so long delayed to sound Elizabeth upon his great
design, but Leicester, in whom he chiefly confided,
strongly dissuaded him from any premature disclosure;
* Lesley's Negotiations. Anderson, vol. iii. pp. 51,52.
t Ibid. pp. 53, 54.
232 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
and the deeper he and his confederates were engaged
in their secret intrigues, the more they shrunk from
the dreaded task of revealing them to a princess whose
violence and severity held them in constant awe.
Meanwhile, though kept in the dark as to the mar-
riage, the English queen was urged to conclude an
agreement for the restoration of Mary, on the ground
of those articles which had been submitted to her by
the Bishop of Ross ; and, after a conference with her
privy-council, Lord Boyd was despatched upon this
business into Scotland. * This nobleman carried with
him letters to the regent from Elizabeth, Mary, the
Duke of Norfolk, and Sir Nicholas Throckmorton ; and,
meeting Moray at Elgin, on his return from his northern
expedition, he immediately laid before him hisdespatches
and instructions. -f- The letters of Elizabeth contained
three propositions in Mary's behalf, and she intimated
her desire thatoneorthe other of them should be adopted.
She might be restored, she said, fully and absolutely
to her royal estate ; or, secondly, she might be united
in the government with her son, and retain the title of
queen, whilst theadministration continued in the regent
till the prince had attained the age of seventeen ; or,
lastly, she might return to Scotland, as a private per-
son, and be honourably maintained in quiet and retire-
ment. In Mary's own letter, which was brought by
Lord Boyd, she briefly intimated her desire that judges
should be appointed to decide upon the lawfulness of
her marriage with Bothwell ; and, should it be pro-
nounced illegal, her request was, that sentence of nullity
should be pronounced, so that she might be free to
marry where she pleased. This request evidently pointed
to the projected union with Norfolk, and the subject
* Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii. pp. 54, 55. f Ibid. p. JO.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 233
was insisted on in the letters of the duke himself and
Sir N. Throckmorton. Norfolk, in addressing the
regent, contented himself with warm professions of
friendship, and assured him that, as to his marriage
with the queen his sister, he never meant to recede
from his promise, having proceeded so far that he could
not go back without dishonour. He referred him to
Lord Boyd, who was fully instructed by Mary and
himself to reply to any doubts which he might entertain,
and begged him to believe that he felt for him the affec-
tion not only of a faithful friend, but a natural brother.*
Throckmorton's letters were addressed both to Moray
and to Lethington. To the regent he observed, that
the time was come when he must give up all his con-
scientious scruples and objections : the match was now
supported by a party too powerful and too numerous
to be resisted ; if he opposed it, his overthrow was
inevitable ; if he promoted it, no man's friendship
would be so highly prized, no man's estimation be
greater or more popular. In his letter to Lethington,
Throckmorton urged the necessity of his hastening to
court for the purpose of breaking the affair to Elizabeth.
Of her consent, he said, he need have no doubt. She
was too wise a princess to risk the tranquillity of her
government, her own security, and the happiness of
her people, for the gratification of her own fancy, or the
passions of any inconsiderate individual ; and he con-
cluded by assuring him, that the wisest, noblest, and
mightiest persons in England were all engaged upon
their side.
On receiving thes"e letters, the regent, as we have
seen, summoned a convention of the nobility at Perth,
on the twenty-fifth of July ; an assembly of the Church
* Ilaynes, p. 520.
234 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
was held at the same time in the capital, and commis-
sioners deputed from it to the meeting of the nobles.
It was impossible so acute a person as Moray should
fail to perceive that the queen's restoration and the
proposed marriage, if carried into effect, must be a death-
blow to his power ; and, whilst he affected to fulfil his
engagements to the duke with scrupulous fidelity, he
secretly persuaded his partisans to oppose the match
with their utmost influence.*
When Boyd delivered his letters at the convention,
containing Elizabeth's three proposals, the effect of this
disingenuous dealing was perceived : Mary's full re-
storation to her dignity was refused ; her association
with the young king in the government was also de-
clared dangerous and impossible; but the third scheme
for her restoration to liberty, and being reduced to a
private condition within her dominions, appeared to
them more likely to succeed. The assembly, however,
arrived at'no definite resolution ; and when the queen's
letter, regarding a divorce from Bothwell, w r as laid
before them, a violent debate arose between Lething-
ton and his friends, who secretly supported the intended
marriage with Norfolk, and Makgill the clerk-register,
with the leaders of the Presbyterian party. It was
argued by the secretary, between whom and Moray
there had recently been great coldness, that the divorce
might be concluded without injury or disrespect either
to the king or the church. To this Makgill answered,
that Mary's own letters confuted him, and insulted
their sovereign. The king was their only head and
master, yet she still addressed them as her subjects,
and subscribed herself their queen. The Bishop of
* Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii. p. 71, MS. State-paper Office.
Names of the noblemen, &c., assembled at Perth, 28th July, 1569.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 235
St Andrew s was a heretic, a member cut off from the
true vine, an obstinate rebel and papist, yet she wrote
to him as the head of the Church. To vouchsafe an
answer to such an application, would be, in some mea-
sure, to admit its justice ; to grant it, nothing less
than treason and blasphemy. It was in vain that
Lethington attempted a reply, and sarcastically insi-
nuated that they who were so recently anxious for the
queen's separation from Bothwell, had now altered their
tone with unaccountable versatility. He was inter-
rupted by Richardson the treasurer, who started from
his seat, calling the assembly to witness that the secre-
tary had argued against the king's authority, and pro-
tested that any who dared to support him should be
accounted traitors and dealt with accordingly. This
appeal finished the controversy, and Mary's proposal
for a divorce was indignantly rejected.* The assembly
then broke up with mutual expressions of contempt
and defiance, the queen's deliverance appearing still
more distant than before.
But if the affairs of this unfortunate princess were
thus unsuccessful in her own dominions, an event which
now happened in England overwhelmed her with fresh
affliction. The renewed intrigues of the Duke of Nor-
folk were discovered, and Elizabeth's suspicions being
once awakened, she never rested till, by the assistance
of Cecil, her indefatigable and vigilant minister, the
whole plot was unravelled.^* These discoveries were
made when the duke scarcely suspected it, till he was
awakened from his security by some dark speeches of
the queen, who taunted him with his high hopes, and
bade him beware on what pillow he leant his head. J
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lord Hunsdon to Cecil, Berwick, 5th
August, 1569. History of James the Sext, p. 41.
t Maitland, vol. ii. p. 1090. J Spottiswood, p. 231.
236 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
But this moderate tone of reprehension was short-lived,
for on ascertaining the extent to which the plot had
been carried under her own eye, by her principal nobi-
lity, and without a pretence of soliciting her consent,
Elizabeth's fury was ungovernable. Leicester and his
associates hastened to propitiate her resentment by a
full discovery, and basely purchased their own security
with the betrayal of Norfolk. His example was fol-
lowed by Moray, who with equal meanness, on the first
challenge of the English queen, delivered up the whole
of his secret correspondence with Norfolk, and excused
himself by declaring that a fear of assassination had
compelled him to join a conspiracy of which he secretly
disapproved.* He pleaded also, and with some reason,
that Elizabeth's own conduct was enough to mitigate
her resentment. If she had adopted a decided part
against Mary, they would have known how to receive
Norfolk's proposals ; but her vacillating policy, and
the favour with which the captive queen was treated,
created, he said, an equal uncertainty in his mind, and
that of his supporters.^
As for the unfortunate duke himself, he appears to
have acted with that indecision which, in matters of
this kind, and with such an adversary as Elizabeth,
is commonly fatal. His friends admonished him to
throw off the mask and take the field at once, and had
he followed their advice his popularity was so great
that the consequences might have been serious ; but
he rejected their advice, and in an apology addressed
to the queen, assured her that it had been his fixed
resolution throughout the whole course of the negotia-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil. Hawick, 22d October,
1569, Trial of the Duke of Norfolk, in Jardine, vol. i. p. 157-160.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Dumfries, 29th October,
1569.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 237
tions never to marry the Queen of Scots without the
consent of his sovereign. His guilt lay in the delay,
but his allegiance was untainted, and his devotion to
her service as entire as it had always been. This letter
was sent from Kenninghall, his seat in Norfolk, to
which he had precipitately retired on his first suspicion
of a discovery. Elizabeth's reply was an immediate
summons to the court. The duke did not venture to obey
without first consulting Cecil. The secretary assured
him that he was safe. He complied, and was instantly
arrested and lodged in the Tower.*
The discovery was followed by a more rigorous con-
finement of the Scottish queen, who was now removed
from Winkfield to Tutbury; her repositories were
ransacked for letters ; and she was committed to the
custody of the Earl of Huntingdon, a nobleman par-
ticularly obnoxious to her, who was associated in this
charge with Shrewsbury her former keeper.^ Her
most trusty domestics were dismissed, the number of
her attendants diminished, her letters intercepted and
conveyed to the Queen of England, and all her actions
so rigorously watched, that it became impossible for her
to communicate even in the most common affairs with
her friends. J
Nothing can more strongly mark the sudden and
extraordinary changes of these times than an event
which soon after occurred in Scotland the arraign-
ment of Lethington. The regent, since the discovery
of his intrigues with Norfolk, had fallen into suspicion
with Elizabeth. His secretary Wood, also, who had
been intrusted with his negotiations at the English
court, by his duplicity and false dealing had incurred
* Haynes, pp. 528, 533. + Ibid. p. 526-527.
J Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii. p. 78.
238 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
her resentment ; and although Moray hastened to
appease her, by a delivery of the letters which convicted
the duke, she was aware that Lethington still intrigued
upon the subject, and suspected that the regent, from
their long habits of intimacy, might be induced to
favour his designs. Her fears, indeed, on this point
proved to be unfounded, for Moray, as we learn from
Melvil, had recently forsaken his old friends and suf-
fered himself to be surrounded by a circle of base and
needy parasites. But of this estrangement Elizabeth
was ignorant. She therefore directed Cecil to keep a
vigilant eye upon the operations of the regent ; Lord
Hunsdon, the governor of Berwick, received the same
instructions ; the proceedings of the convention at
Perth and the subsequent conduct of the Scottish go-
vernor were severely criticised; and Moray found to his
mortification, that whilst he had incurred extreme
odium by the betrayal of Norfolk, he was himself an
object of suspicion.
Whilst Elizabeth, however, only suspected Moray,
she was incensed to the highest degree against Leth-
ington, whom she now discovered to be the originator of
the marriage plot and the greatest partisan of Norfolk,
This restless and indefatigable politician, since his
unsuccessful efforts in the convention at Perth, had
sought security in Athole, where he was surrounded
by his friends, and continued to incite them to renew
their exertions in favour of the Scottish queen ; and
Moray, who like other victims of ambition, had become
sufficiently unscrupulous in the means which he adopted
to consolidate his power, resolved to recommend him-
self to Elizabeth by the ruin of his former associate.
Under the pretence of requiring his immediate as-
sistance at Stirling, in the business of the government,
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 239
he requested the secretary to leave his retreat in Athole
and return to court. Suspicious of some intrigue, he
obeyed with reluctance, and scarce had he taken his
seat at Council, which was attended by Moray, Mar,
Morton, Athole, and Semple, when word was brought
that Crawford, a gentleman from the Earl of Lennox,
requested audience on business of moment. He was
admitted, and falling down on his knees, demanded
justice to be done on William Maitland of Lethington,
and Sir James Balfour, as the murderers of their
sovereign.* Amongst the councillors, the only one
who heard this sudden accusation unmoved was the
secretary himself. With a smile of calm contempt he
observed, that his long-continued services might have
exempted him from so foul and false a charge, preferred,
too, by so mean a person^ but he was ready to find
surety to stand his trial on any day which was ap-
pointed, and he had no fears for the verdict. Crawford,
however, still kneeling, warmly remonstrated against
his being left at large. He, a gentleman, and a ser-
vant of the late king, -f- had publicly arraigned that
guilty man of treason ; he was ready to prosecute and
adduce his proofs, and under such circumstances he
appealed to the council whether bail could possibly be
accepted. After a violent debate it was determined,
that the secretary should be committed ; and Moray,
who secretly congratulated himself on the issue of his
intrigue, carried him to the capital and confined him
in the house of Forrester one of his own dependants.
At the same time a party of horse were despatched to
Fife, who surrounded Balfour's residence at Monimail,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Lord Hunsdon to Cecil, New-
castle, September 7th, 1569. Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 147, 148.
t Supra, p. 65.
240 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
and brought him and his brother George prisoners to
Edinburgh.*
The arrest of Lethington increased the unpopularity
of the regent ; but his victim had scarcely fallen into
his hands ere he was again torn from him ; for the
secretary's old associate Grange, dreading some new
treachery of Moray and Morton, now closely leagued
together, attacked the house in which he was confined,
and, by a mixture of stratagem and courage,^ carried
him off in triumph to the castle. This rescue deeply
mortified Moray, who believed that in securing Leth-
ington he was not only performing an acceptable service
to Elizabeth, but removing the most formidable oppo-
nent of his own government. He dissembled his
indignation, however; and as the secretary still declared
his readiness to answer the accusation, contented him-
self with appointing the twenty-second of November
as the day of trial.
Meanwhile England became disturbed by a rebellion
in the northern counties, which at first assumed a for-
midable appearance. Its leaders were the Earls of
Northumberland and Westmoreland, its object no
less than the restoration of the Roman Catholic faith,
the destruction of the Protestant constitution of that
country, and the delivery of the Scottish queen. So
imminent did the danger at first appear, that Elizabeth
issued an order under the great seal for Mary's execu-
tion, which seems only to have been arrested by the
sudden and total failure of the insurrection.! It arose
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Stirling, September
5th, 1569. Also Lord Hunsdon to Cecil, Alnwick September 8th, 1569.
Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 1 47-8.
)[ Melvil's Memoirs, p. 218. It is stated by Robert Melvil, that Grange,
to forward his purpose, forged an order under the handwriting of the regent.
MS. Declaration of Robert Melvil in the Hopetoun Papers.
See Proofs and Illustrations, No. IX. Letter of Leicester to Cecil, com-
municated by Mr Bruce.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 241
from the intrigues of the Duke of Norfolk and the
hopes excited amongst the English Catholics by the
anticipated restoration of Mary. Amongst Norfolk's
most powerful friends were the Earls of Northumber-
land and Westmoreland, two peers of ancient lineage,
powerful connexions, and steady attachment to the
Church of Rome. They commanded the strength of
the northern counties ; and had Norfolk chosen to have
bid defiance to Elizabeth, they were ready to have
risen in arms in his defence. His submission and
imprisonment broke, but did not put an end to, their
intrigues ; and, irritated at his desertion, they sought
the support of the king of Spain, and secured the ser-
vices of the Duke of Alva and the Bishop of Ross.
This prelate, a man of great talents and restless
intrigue, was the ambassador and confidential minister
of the Scottish queen, and by his secret negotiations
his mistress, who in her first imprisonment at Bolton
had kept up a correspondence with Northumberland, *
became involved in these new commotions. Alva
promised to assist the two earls with a large body of
men, and sent over the Marquis Vitelli, one of his best
officers, under the pretence of a mission to Elizabeth,
but really to forward the rebellion. Before, however,
these preparations were completed, Elizabeth obtained
a knowledge of the plot, and instantly summoned both
to court. Whilst they hesitated, intelligence arrived
that Sussex, the queen's lieutenant in the north, had
^ received orders to arrest them, and scarce was this
^nessage delivered when Northumberland's castle was
beset by a body of horse. He escaped with difficulty,
joined the Earl of Westmoreland, and, as the only
chance now left them, they dropped the mask and
* Haynes, p. 594-595.
242 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
broke into rebellion. An enterprise thus prematurely
forced on, could scarcely be successful. In their pro-
clamation the two earls professed a devoted attach-
ment to the queen's person, and declared their only
object to be the restoration of the faith of their fathers,
the dismissal of false councillors, and the liberation of
Norfolk. They had confidently looked to being joined
by the large body of the English Roman Catholics all
over the country, but their utmost strength never
amounted to six thousand men, and these soon melted
away into a more insignificant force. Sir John Forster,
the Warden of the Middle Marches, made himself
master of Northumberland's castles of Alnwick and
Warkworth, and by taking possession of the principal
passes, effectually cut off all communication between the
earl and his vassals in those parts. Thence marching
to Newcastle, and being joined by Sir. Henry Percy,
Northumberland's brother, he speedily reduced the
rebels in the northern parts of Durham, so that when
Sussex took the field with seven thousand men, the
rebellion was already expiring.*
The two rebel earls, with a force which diminished
every hour, retired first upon Hexham, and afterwards
fell back upon Naworth castle, in Cumberland. Here
they suddenly dispersed their little army, and fled with
a handful of horse into Scotland. Westmoreland took
refuge with the Lairds of Buccleugh and Fernyhirst,
two of the most powerful chiefs in those parts ; whilst
Northumberland, in company with black Ormiston, a
traitor who was present at the king's murder, the Laird's
Jock, and other Border banditti, threw himself into
the Harlaw, a stronghold of the Armstrongs.^ These
* Lingard, vol. viii. pp. 52, 58. Camden, in Kennet, vol. ii. pp. 421 , 422.
\- Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Instructions for Mr George Gary.
Signed by Sussex, Hunsdon, and Sadler, 22d December, 1569. Also MS.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 243
events passed with so much rapidity, that Moray, who,
on the first intelligence of the insurrection, had pro-
fessed his readiness to assist Elizabeth with the whole
forces of the realm, was scarcely able to muster his
strength before he heard that assistance was unneces-
sary.*
From such commotions in England, so intimately
connected with the fortunes of the captive queen, we
must turn to the condition of her partisans in her own
country. Of these the great leaders were Lethington
and Grange. Grange was in possession of the castle
of Edinburgh, within which now lay his friend Leth-
ington, Lord Herries, the Archbishop of St Andrew's,
and others who supported the cause of Mary, professing,
at the same time their attachment to their prince, and
an earnest desire for the pacification of the country.
Opposed to them was the regent, supported by Eng-
land and the party of the Kirk, who kept up a constant
correspondence with Cecil, Elizabeth's minister, and
whose measures were entirely dictated and overruled
by English influence.
Since his accession to the chief power in the state,
but more especially since the termination of the con-
ferences at Westminster, Moray's popularity had been
on the decline. Men blamed his conduct to his sove-
reign, his treachery to his associates, his haughtiness
to his own countrymen, his humility and subserviency
to a foreign power, as England was then considered.
They accused him of being surrounded by troops of
low and needy flatterers, who prospered upon the ruin
Letter, State-paper Office, copy of the time, Moray to Sussex. Peebles, 22d
December, 1569!
* For a more detailed and interesting account of this insurrection in 1569,
the reader is referred to a valuable -work recently published by my respected
friend Sir Cuthbert Sharpe, entitled, Memorials of the Rebellion of 15C9.
Nichols : London, 1840.
244 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
of the ancient nobility, and persuade* him to betray
his former friends, by whose efforts he had been placed
in the regency. They declared, and with some truth,
that having once sold himself to England, he had be-
come insensible to every suggestion of honour and good
faith. Hence his betrayal of Norfolk, his imprison-
ment of Herries and the Duke of Chastelherault, his
treacherous accusation of Lethington, his threatened
severity to Northumberland all this weighed strongly
against him; and those who had been most willing to
anticipate the happiest results from his administration,
were now ready to acknowledge their mortification and
disappointment.* Yet, although thus fallen in public
estimation, and surrounded by enemies, Moray, natu-
rally daring and intrepid, showed no symptoms of
decreasing energy ; and as the time approached when
Lethington was to stand his trial for the murder of
the king, he appeared fully determined to insist on the
prosecution.
When the day arrived, however, a scene presented
itself very different from the pacific solemnities of
public justice ; Lord Home, at an early hour, occupied
the city with a large body of horse. He was speedily
followed by multitudes of the secretary's friends, all
armed and surrounded by their retainers ; and as every
hour was increasing the concourse, Morton, a principal
accuser of Lethington, refused to risk his person within
the city. Amidst this warlike concourse, Clement
Little, an able advocate of the time, entered where
the council had assembled, and protested, that, as his
client, the secretary, was ready to stand his trial, and
no prosecutor had appeared, he was entitled to a ver-
dict of acquittal. Moray, however, who had taken care
* Melvil's Memoirs, p. 220.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 245
to be strongly guarded, rose up, and declared, that as
long as the town was occupied by armed troops, no
trial should take place, and no verdict be pronounced.
He had been placed, he said, by their unsolicited suf-
frages, in the first office in the state; he had given his
solemn oath to administer justice ; they had promised
to obey the king, and assist him in maintaining the
law. What, then, meant this armed assembly? Was
it thus they fulfilled their promise ? or did they think
to intimidate him into their opinion ? That, at least,
he should show them was a vain expectation; and
therefore he now prorogued the trial till quiet was
restored, and they were prepared, having laid aside
their arms, to resume the demeanour of peaceable
subjects. Such was Moray's speech, as reported by
himself in a letter written next day to Cecil ; but we
learn, from the same source, that the regent was daily
expecting a communication from Elizabeth, containing
her instructions how to conduct himself in Lethington's
case, and that he delayed the trial to give time for
their arrival : an additional proof of his entire subser-
viency to England.*
He concluded the same letter by an allusion to the
recent rebellion in the north : " I have offered," said
he, " already to Mr Marshal of Berwick, (he meant
Sir William Drury,) to take such part in her highness'
cause and quarrel with the whole power of this realm,
that will do for me, as he shall advertise me ; * * *
and since the matter not only touches her highness 1
obedience, but that we may see our own destruction
compassed, who are professors of the Gospel, let not
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Edinburgh, 22d Nov.
1569, endorsed in Cecil's hand, " Earl of Murray to me concerning the day of
law for Lydington."
VOL. VII. Q
24C HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569.
time drive, but with speed let us understand her
majesty's mind."*
Moray followed up this offer by summoning the
whole force of the kingdom to meet him in arms at
Peebles on the twentieth December, for the defence of
their native country, the preservation of their wives
and children, and the liberty of the true religion.-f- He
had received early intelligence from Sussex of the flight
of the rebel earls into Scotland, and immediately de-
spatched messengers to the seaports to keep a strict
look-out, lest any should take shipping and escape.
But his chief reliance lay in his own activity; and march-
ing rapidly towards Hawick, he beset the Harlaw, a
tower in which Northumberland had found shelter from
Hecky, or Hector Armstrong, a Border thief. This
villain, bribed by the regent's gold, sold the English
earl to Moray, who carried him to Edinburgh, and
soon after imprisoned him in Lochleven. {
Although this new act of severity and corruption
increased the regent's unpopularity in Scotland, it
being suspected that he meant to give up his captive
to Elizabeth, his zeal and activity completely restored
him to the good opinion of this princess, and he had
the satisfaction to learn, that she had warmly com-
mended him to his ambassador the Abbot of Dunferm-
line. This emboldened him to make a proposal on
which he had long meditated, and for which the English
queen was by no means prepared. It was no less than
that she should surrender Mary into his hands to be
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, Edinburgh, 22d Novem-
ber, 1569.
t MS. State-paper Office, copy, the Regent's Proclamation, Edinburgh,
18th December, 1569.
J Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 154. Lesley's Negotiations, p. 83. Anderson,
vol. iii. Hence a Border proverb, " To take Hecky's cloak," to betray a
friend. Percy's Reliques, vol. i. p. 3. song iv.
1569. REGENCY OF MORAY. 247
kept safely in Scotland, a solemn promise being given
by him, " that she should live her natural life, without
any sinister means taken to shorten the same."* It
was added that a maintenance suitable to her high
rank should be provided for her ; and the arguments
addressed to Elizabeth upon the subject, in a paper
intrusted to Nicholas Elphinston, who was sent with
the request to the English court, were drawn up with
no little art and ability. After an enumeration of the
late miseries and commotions in England, it stated,
that "as Mary was notoriously the ground and fountain
from whom all these tumults, practices, and daily dan-
gers did flow," and as her remaining within the realm
of England undoubtedly gave her every opportunity
to continue them, there was no more certain means to
provide a remedy, and bring quiet to both countries,
than to bring her back into Scotland, thus removing
her to a greater distance from foreign realms, and daily
intelligence with their princes or their ambassadors."^
In this petition Moray was joined by Morton, Mar,
Glencairn, Lords Lindsay, Buthven, and Semple, with
the Masters of Marshal and Montrose. At the same
time Knox addressed a letter to Cecil. He described
himself as writing with one foot in the grave, alluded
to the late rebellion, and recommended him to strike
at the root, meaning Mary, if he would prevent the
branches from budding again. It appears to me that
the expressions of this great Reformer, whose stern
spirit was little softened by age, go as far as to urge
* Copy of the " Instrument," MS. State-paper Office, but without date.
On the back are these names in Cecil's hand,
Er: MURRAY, Er: MARSHALL, M.
MORTON, Lr: LYNBSAY,
MAR, RUTHVEN,
GLENCAIRN, SEHPLB.
MONTROSE, M.
f MS. Copy, Ibid, ut supra.
248 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
the absolute necessity of putting Mary to death, but
his words are somewhat dark and enigmatical. The
letter, which is wholly in his own hand, is too remark-
able to be omitted.
" Benefits of God's hands received, crave that men
be thankful, and danger known would be avoided. If
ye strike not at the root, the branches that appear to
be broken will bud again, and that more quickly than
men can believe, with greater force than we would
wish. Turn your een* unto your God : forget yourself
and yours, when consultation is to be had in matters
of such weight as presently ly upon you. Albeit I have
been fremedlyf* handled, yet was I never enemy to the
quietness of England. God grant you wisdom. In
haste, of | Edinburgh, the second of Janur. Yours
to command in God,
" John Knox, with his one foot in the grave.
" Mo || days than one would not suffice to express
what I think."
Moray despatched Elphinston on the second of Janu-
ary, and as Knox's letter was dated on the same day,
and related to the same subject, it is probable he carried
it w r ith him. IT The envoy, who was in great confidence
with the regent, and a man of talent, received full in-
structions for his secret mission, which fortunately have
been preserved. He was directed to impress upon Eliza-
beth, in the strongest manner, the difficulties with which
Moray was surrounded; the daily increasing power of
his and her enemies, who supported the cause of the
captive queen both in England and Scotland ; the per-
* Eyes. t Strangely. At.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, John Knox to Cecil, Edinburgh, 2d
January, 1569-70. Endorsed by Cecil's clerk, " Mr Knox to my Mr."
H More.
*, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Moray to Cecil, January 2, 1569-70.
1569-70. REGENCY OF MORAY. 249
petual tumults and intrigues of the Spanish faction of
the Catholics in England, and their brethren of the
same faith in Scotland; their intercourse with Philip of
Spain and the Pope, who were animating them at that
very moment to new exertions ; the succours hourly
looked for from France ; and the utter impossibility
of the regent keeping up the struggle against his op-
ponents, if Mary was permitted to remain in England,
and Elizabeth did not come forward with more prompt
and effectual assistance.
It was necessary, he said, to prevent the ruin of the
cause, that the Queen of England and his master should
distinctly understand each other. She had lately urged
him to deliver up her rebel the Earl of Northumber-
land, to pay the penalty of a traitor. It was a hard
request, and against every feeling of honour and hu-
manity, to surrender a banished man to slaughter ; but
he was ready to consent, if, in exchange, the Queen of
Scots were committed into his hands, and if, at the
same time, Elizabeth would support the cause of his
young sovereign, and the interests of true religion, by
an immediate advance of money, and a seasonable pre-
sent of arms and ammunition.* If this were agreed
to, then he was ready to continue his efforts for the
maintenance of the government in Scotland against the
machinations of their enemies ; he would not only pre-
serve her amity, but "would serve her majesty in Eng-
land, as they are accustomed to do their native princes
in Scotland, and out of England, upon reasonable
wages." If she would not consent to this, then he
must forbear any longer to venture his life as he had
done, and it would be well for her to consider what
* MS. State-paper Office, a Note of the principal matters in Nicholas
Elphinston's Instructions. Wholly in Cecil's hand, January 19, 1569-70.
250 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
dangers might ensue to both the realms, by the increase
of the factions which favoured papistry and the Queen
of Scots' title. Above all he entreated her to remem-
ber, (alluding, as it appears to me, to the subject of
Knox's letter,) that the heads of all these troubles
were at her commandment ; that this late rebellion was
not now ended, but had more dangerous branches, for
which, if she did not provide a remedy, the fault must
lie upon herself.*
These secret negotiations were detected by the vigi-
lance of the Bishop of Ross, and he instantly presented
a protest to the Queen of England against a proposi-
tion, which, if agreed to, was, he said, equivalent to
signing Mary's death-warrant. He solicited also the
ambassadors of France and Spain to remonstrate against
it, and La Motte Fenelon addressed an earnest letter
to the queen-mother upon the subject. -f- Some little
time, too, was gained by the refusal of the Scottish
nobles to deliver up Northumberland, and Elizabeth
had despatched Sir Henry Gates and the Marshal of
Berwick with a message to the regent, when an appall-
ing event suddenly interrupted the treaty. This was
the murder of Moray himself in the town of Linlithgow,
by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh.
The assassination is to be chiefly traced to the in-
fluence of private revenge ; but there is no doubt also,
that the author of the deed was the tool of a faction
which had long determined on Moray's destruction.
He was a gentleman of good family, had been made
prisoner at Langside, and with others was condemned
* MS. State-paper Office, a Note of the principal matters in Nicholas
Elphinston's Instructions, January 19, 1569-/0.
f Lesley's Negotiations, p. 84. Anderson, voL iii. Also, Depeches ]D
la Motte Fenelon, vol. ii. pp. 389, 390.
1569-70. REGENCY OF MORAY. 251
to death ; but the regent had spared his life, and been
satisfied with the forfeiture of his estate.
His wife was heiress of Woodhouselee, a small pro-
perty on the river Esk, to which she had retreated
under the mistaken idea that it would be exempted
from the sentence of outlawry, which affected her hus-
band's estate of Bothwellhaugh. But Bellenden the
justice-^elerk, a favourite of Moray's, who had obtained
a grant of the escheat,* violently occupied the house
and barbarously turned its mistress, during a bitterly
cold night, and almost in a state of nakedness, into the
woods, where she was found in the morning furiously
mad, and insensible to the injury which had been in-
flicted on her. If ever revenge could meet with sym-
pathy, it would be in so atrocious a case as this ; and
from that moment Bothwellhaugh resolved upon
Moray's death, accusing him as the chief author of
the calamity. It is affirmed by Calderwood, that he
had twice failed in his sanguinary purpose, when the
Hamiltons, who had long hated the regent, encouraged
him to make a third attempt, which proved successful.-}*
Nothing could be more deliberate than the manner
in which he proceeded. Moray, who was at Stirling,
intended to pass through Linlithgow, on his way to
Edinburgh; In this town, and in the High Street,
through which the cavalcade generally passed, was a
house belonging to the archbishop his uncle. Here he
took his station in a small room or wooden gallery,
which commanded a full view of the street. To prevent
his heavy footsteps being heard, for he was booted and
spurred, he placed a feather bed on the floor; to secure
against any chance observation of his shadow, which,
* * The forfeited property.
f MS. Calderwood, Ayscough, 4735, pp. 746, 747.
252 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
had the sun broke out, might have caught the eye, he
hung up a black cloth on the opposite wall ; and, having
barricaded the door in the front, he had a swift horse
ready saddled in the stable at the back. Even here his
preparations did not stop, for, observing that the gate in
the wall which enclosed the garden was too low to admit
a man on horseback, he removed the lintel stone, and
returning to his chamber, cut in the wooden panel, im-
mediately below the lattice window where he watched,
a hole just sufficient to admit the barrel of his caliver.*
Having taken these precautions he loaded the piece
with four bullets and calmly awaited his victim.
The regent had received repeated warnings of his
danger ; and, on the morning of the murder, John
Hume, an attached follower, implored him not to ride
through the principal street, but pass round by the
back of the town, promising to bring him to the very
spot where they might seize the villain who lay in wait
for him.-f- He agreed to take his advice, but the crowd
of the common people was so great, that it became im-
possible for him to alter his course. The same cause
compelled him to ride at a slow pace, so that the as-
sassin had time to take a deliberate aim ; and as he passed
the fatal house, he shot him right through the lower
part of the body : the bullet entering above the belt of
his doublet, came out near the hipbone, and killed the
horse of Arthur Douglas, who rode close beside him.*
The very suddenness and success of this atrocious" action
produced a horror and confusion which favoured the
murderer's escape ; and, mounting his horse with the
* History of King James the Sext, p. 46.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Hunsdon to Cecil, Berwick, 26th
January, 1569-70.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Hunsdon to Cecil, Berwick, 24th
January, 1569-70 Also, Ibid, same to same, 26th January, 1569-70.
1569-70. REGENCY OF MORAY. 253
weapon of his revenge still warm in his grasp, he waa
already many miles from the spot; whilst the people,
infuriated at the sight of their bleeding governor, were
in vain attempting to break open the door of the lodg-
ing from which the shot proceeded. A few, however,
caught a sight of him as he fled, and, giving chase,
observed that he took the road to Hamilton.* Here
he was received in triumph by the Archbishop of St
Andrew's, the Lord Arbroath, of whom Bothwellhaugh
was a retainer, and the whole faction of the Hamiltons.
They instantly assembled in arms, declared Scotland
once more free from the thraldom of an ambitious tyrant,
who had been cut off at the very moment when he was
plotting against the life of his sovereign.; and resolved
instantly to proceed to Edinburgh to join with Grange,
liberate their chief the Duke of Chastelherault, and
follow up the advantage they had won.^f-
All these events took place with a startling rapidity,
of which the slow progress of written description can
convey but a faint idea: in the meantime the unhappy
regent, though bleeding profusely, had strength enough
to walk to the palace, where at first the surgeons gave
hopes of his recovery. Mortal symptoms, however,
soon appeared, and when made acquainted with them,
he received the information with his usual calm de-
meanour. When his friends bitterly lamented his fate,
remarking that he might long since have taken the
miscreant's life, and observing that his clemency had
been his rain, Moray mildly answered, that they would
never make him repent of any good he had done in his
life ; and after faintly, but affectionately, commending
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Copy endorsed by Hunsdon him-
self. Hunsdon to Elizabeth, Berwick, 30th January, 1569-70.
{ MS. State-paper Office, Information anent the punishment of the
Regent's murder.
254 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
the charge of the young prince to such of the nohility
as were present, he died tranquilly a little before mid-
night.*
I will not attempt any laboured character of this
extraordinary man, who, coming into the possession of
almost uncontrolled power, as the leader of the reformed
party, when he was little more than a youth, was cut
off in the midst of his greatness before he was forty
years old.f Living in those wretched times, when the
country was torn by two parties which mortally hated
each other, he has come down to us so disfigured by
the prejudices of his contemporaries that it is difficult
to discern his true features. As to his personal intre-
pidity, his talents for state affairs, his military capacity,
and the general purity of his private life, in a corrupt
age and court, there can be no difference of opinion. It
has been recorded of him, that he ordered himself and
his family in such sort, that it did more resemble a
church than a court ; J and it is but fair to conclude
that this proceeded from his deep feelings of religion,
and a steady attachment to a reformation, which he
believed to be founded on the Word of God. But, on
the other hand, there are some facts, especially such
as occurred during the latter part of his career, which
throw suspicion upon his motives, and weigh heavily
against him. He consented to the murder of Riccio :
to compass his own return to power, he unscrupulously
leagued himself with men whom he knew to be the
murderers of the king ; used their evidence to convict
his sovereign ; and refused to turn against them till
they began to threaten his power, and declined to act
as the tools of his ambition. If we regard private faith
* Spottiirwood, p. 233. t- He -was bom in 1530, and slain in 1569-70.
J Spottiswood, p. 233.
1569-70. REGENCY OF MORAY. 255
and honour, how can we defend his betrayal of Norfolk,
and his consent to deliver up Northumberland ? If we
look to love of country, a principle now, perhaps, too
lightly esteemed, but inseparable from all true great-
ness, what are we to think of his last ignominious offers
to Elizabeth? If we go higher still, and seek for that
love which is the only test of religious truth, how diffi-
cult is it to think that it could have a place in his heart,
whose last transaction went to aggravate the imprison-
ment, if not to recommend the death, of a miserable
princess, his own sister and his sovereign.
All are agreed that he was a noble-looking personage,
of grave and commanding manners. His funeral, which
was a solemn spectacle, took place on the fourteenth
of February, in the High Church of St Giles, at Edin-
burgh, where he was buried in St Anthony's aisle.
The body had been taken from Linlithgow to Stirling,
and" thence was transported by water to Leith, and
carried to the palace of Holyrood. In the public pro-
cession to the church it was accompanied by the magis-
trates and citizens of Edinburgh, who greatly lamented
him. They were followed by the gentlemen of the
country, and these by the nobility. The Earls of
Morton, Mar, Glencairn, and Cassillis, with the Lords
Glammis, Lindsay, Ochiltree, and Kuthveh, carried the
body ; before it came the Lairds of Grange, and Colvil
of Cleish ; Grange bearing his banner, with the royal
arms, and Cleish his coat armour. The servants of
his household followed, making great lamentation, as
Randolph, an eye-witness, wrote to Cecil. On entering
the church the bier was placed before the pulpit, and
Knox preached the sermon, taking for his text, " Blessed
are the dead that die in the Lord.' 1 *
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh,, 22d
Feb. 1569-70. Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 158.
256 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
CHAP. IV.
INTERREGNUM :
REGENCIES OF LENNOX AND MAR.
15701572.
CONTEMPORARY SOTEREIGNS.
England. I France. I Germany. I Spain. I Portugal. I Pope.
Elizabeth. | Charles IX. | Maximilian EL I Philip n. I Sebastian. | Pius V.
THE death of Moray was a serious blow to Elizabeth.
Its consequences threatened to unite closely the party
which favoured the restoration of Mary, and were
solicitous for a general pacification. The Hamiltons,
Lethington, Herries, Huntley, and Argyle had vigour-
ously resisted the measures of the regent, and felt
impatient under the ascendancy of English influence,
which Moray, Morton, and their faction had introduced.
That " inestimable commodity,"* an English party in
Scotland, which Elizabeth's ministers described as
having been so difficult to attain, and so invaluable in
its effects, was now threatened with destruction ; and
Lord Hunsdon, the very day after Moray's death, wrote
in anxious terms, requiring the queen's immediate
attention to the state of Scotland, Important matters,
he said, depended and would fall out by this event, and
much vigilance would be required to watch " the great
faction which remained, who were all French."^
* Anderson's Collections, vol. iv. part i. p. 104.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Hunsdon to Cecil, Jan. 24, 1569-70.
1569-70. INTERREGNUM. 257
Nor were these apprehensions exaggerated. If Eliza-
beth looked to her own realm, it was full of discontented
subjects, and on the very eve of another rebellion. If
to Scotland, Mary's adherents were in a state of high
elatedness and hope ; * the Hainiltons had already
taken arms, the castles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton
were in the hands of her friends, succours had arrived
in the Clyde from France ; and, on the morning after
the regent's death, Scott of Buccleugh, and Ker of
Fernyhirst, two of the mightiest of the Border chiefs,
broke into England, and in a destructive " raid," let
loose their vengeance. In their company was Nevil,
the banished Earl of Westmoreland, a rough soldier
and devoted friend of Mary, who, as Hunsdon wrote
Cecil, had testified his joy on hearing of Moray's death,
by casting his hat into the fire replacing it no doubt
by a steel bonnet.
All this was ground for much anxiety at home, and
the prospect was not more encouraging abroad. In
France the news of Moray's assassination produced a
paroxysm of joy, and was followed by active prepara-
tions to follow up the advantage.^ In Spain no less
interest was felt ; and at that moment Douglas, a mes-
senger from the Duke of Alva, employed by the Bishop
of Ross, was in Scotland. He had brought letters to
the friends of Mary, sewed under the buttons of his
coat, had twice supplied them with money, and warmly
exhorted them to keep up the contest until assistance
arrived from Philip.J
These were all alarming indications, and the papers
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Hunsdon to Cecil, Berwick, Jan.
30, 1569-70. Also Id. Information anent the punishment of the Regent's
murder.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, French Correspondence, Norris to Cecil,
February 17, 1569-70, Angiers. Id. Norris to Cecil, February 25, 1569-70.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Hunsdon to Cecil, January 26, 1569-70.
258
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
of Elizabeth's vigilant and indefatigable minister Cecil,
contain ample proof that he was not insensible to the
importance of the crisis. In an able but somewhat
Machiavelian memorial on the state of the realm,
drawn up on the very eve of Moray's murder, and the
arguments in which were greatly strengthened by that
event,* he stated the perils both in respect of persons
and matters to be many, great, and imminent; pointed
out the increasing strength of the Romish party all
over Europe ; the decay and probable extinction of
the Protestant power in France and Flanders ; the
weakening of all those counter forces which his mistress
had hitherto been successful in raising against it; and
the well known resolution of the court of Rome, and
the three great powers of Spain, Austria, and France,
never to intermit their efforts until they had destroyed
England, and placed its crown upon the head of the
Scottish queen. In the same paper he called her at-
tention to that unceasing encouragement to intrigue
and rebellion, which was held out by Mary's presence
in England, and the growing unanimity and power of
her party at home.
All this, it was evident, called for immediate exer-
tion ; and, in Cecil's opinion, there was but one way
to provide a remedy, or at least to arrest the evil in its
progress. Scotland was the field on which Elizabeth's
domestic and foreign enemies were uniting against her.
The strength of that country lay in the union of its
various factions, which previous to Moray's death had
been nearly accomplished by the efforts of Lethington
and jrange, and which this event threatened to accel-
erate. Her policy, then, must be, to prevent a pacifi-
cation, keep up an English party, and find her own
* Haynes, p. 579.
1569-70. INTERREGNUM. 250
peace in the dissensions and misery of her neighbour.
For this end two instruments were necessary, and
must instantly be procured : the first an ambassador,
who, under the mask of a peacemaker, might sow the
seeds of disquiet and confusion ; the second a regent,
who would submit to her dictation. She found the
one in Sir Thomas Randolph, an accomplished master
in political intrigue, whom she despatched to Scot-
land only three days after the death of Moray.* For
the second, she chose the Earl of Lennox, father of
the unhappy Darnley, who had long been a pensioner
upon her bounty, and whose moderate abilities and
pliant disposition promised the subserviency which she
wished.
Immediately after the regent's death, this nobleman
had addressed a "supplication 11 to Elizabeth represent-
ing the great danger in which it left the infant king, his
grandson, her majesty ""s near kinsman, and suggesting
the propriety of extending her protection to the " little
innocent, 11 by getting him delivered into her own
hands.-}- This had been always a favourite project of
the queen's, and disposed her to think favourably of
Lennox; but another cause recommended him still
more strongly : there had long existed a deadly hatred
between the two great houses of Hamilton and Lennox,
and no more effectual method to kindle a flame in
Scotland could have been adopted, than the elevation
of this nobleman to the first rank in the government. J
In the meantime Elizabeth received a letter from
* MS. Letter, draft, State-paper Office, entirelyln Cecil's hand. Minute of
the Queen's majesty's letter, January 29, 1569-70. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 227 j
also 230, 231. " He" (Randolph,) says this author, "was deliberately di-
rected secretly to kindle a fire of discord between the twa stark factions Ja
Scotland, quhilk could not be easily quenched."
_ f Haynes, p. 576. J Melvil's Memoirs, p. 227.
260
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
1569-70.
Lord Hunsdon, the governor of Berwick, which in some
degree quieted her apprehensions, and gave her better
hopes than he had at first held out. A week after
the regent's murder, the Earl of Morton requested a
meeting at Edinburgh with Sir Henry Gates and Sir
William Drury, who had come to Scotland on a mission
to the regent, and were in that country when he died.
It was held in Gates's lodging ; and there, besides Morton,
the envoy met Grange, Lindsay, Sir James Balfour,
Makgill the justice-clerk, Bellenden the clerk-register,
with the lairds of Pitarrow and Tullibardine.
The conference was opened by Makgill, who assured
the English envoys of their continued devotion to
Elizabeth, and betrayed an evident terror lest she
should set their queen at liberty and send her home
amongst them. They spoke of an approaching con-
vention of the nobility, but declared, that if the Queen
of England would accept their services, secure their re-
ligion, and aid them to resist the intrusion of foreigners,
they would run with her the same course which Moray
had done, and decide on nothing till they knew her
pleasure : as to a regent, her majesty would do well,
they said, to think of the Earl of Lennox, a Stewart
by birth, a Douglas by marriage, and at that time
within her majesty's realm. If she would send him,
they were ready to make him the head of their faction;
and should she wish him to be accompanied by any
confidential person whose advice he might use, they
would gladly receive him also. In the concluding
passage of Hunsdon's letter to the queen, he entreated
her when such " good stuff was offered," not to hesitate
about its acceptance adding, that if the Hamiltons
were allowed to bear the chief sway, the French would
not be long absent. Lastly, he implored her to watch
1569-70. INTERREGNUM. 261
the Bishop of Ross, and take good heed to the Scottish
queen.*
Randolph soon after arrived in the capital, and not-
withstanding the encouraging assurances of Morton
and his friends, found things in an unsettled state. ^
Yet this was far from ungratifying to a minister who
considered that the strength of his royal mistress lay
in the dissensions of her neighbours. A messenger had
been sent from Argyle and the Hamiltons, who warned
their opponents not to acknowledge any other authority
than the queen's ; declaring that, as her lieutenants
in Scotland,:}; they were ready to punish the regent's
murder, but ridiculing the idea that the whole race of
Hamilton were guilty because the murderer bore their
name. To this the reply was a public proclamation
interdicting any one from holding communication with
that faction, under the penalty of being esteemed ac-
complices in their crimes. Soon after, Lethington, who
till now had remained in a nominal captivity in the
castle, was summoned, at his own request, before the
privy-council, where he pleaded his innocence of the
king^ murder, complained of the grievous calumnies
with which his name had been loaded, and professed
his readiness to stand his trial, and reply to any who
dared accuse him. This, as it was well known, no one
was prepared to do ; and the council immediately
pronounced him guiltless, reinstating him in his accus-
tomed place and office " as a profitable member of the
commonwealth," and one who had been an excellent
* MS. Letter, a copy by Hunsdon himself. State-paper Office, 30th Jan.
1569-70. Hunsdon to Elizabeth.
t He arrived on the 9th February, 1569-70.
J Diurnal of Occurrents, p. ] 57. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edin-
burgh, '22d February, 1569-70, Randolph to Cecil. Also MS. State-paper
Office, copy, Proclamationbythe Lords of the Secret Council, Feb. 1569-70.
VOL. VII. X
262 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70
instrument in the " forth-setting of God's glory ."^
Of his accession to the murder there is not the slight-
est doubt, and as little of Morton's guilt, who on this
occasion took the lead as chancellor of the kingdom.
The whole transaction was an idle farce, and deceived
no one ; but the party required Lethington's able head,
and imagined they could thus secure his assistance.
At this meeting Randolph communicated his in-
structions, and assured the council of his royal mistress's
support, on condition that they would remain true to
the principles of the late regent. For her part, he
said, she would increase the rigour of Mary's confine-
ment, and support them both with money and soldiers;
from them she expected that they would watch over
the young king, prevent his being carried to France,
maintain religion, preserve peace, and deliver up the
rebel Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland.^
A convention of the whole nobility of the realm was
summoned for the fourth of March, to take these offers
into consideration, and proceed to the election of a
regent. J Letters were written to Lennox, requesting
his immediate presence^ and Randolph, with an evident
alacrity, recommenced his intrigues with all parties.
In the midst of this, a new rebellion broke out in
the north of England. It was led by Leonard Dacres,
a Roman Catholic gentleman, of noble family, bred
up in the bosom of Border war, who had been associated
in the enterprises of Westmoreland and Northumber
land, but was kept bade by his friends at that time
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 158, MS. State-paper Office, copy, endorsed by
Randolph. Declaration of the Lord of Liddington's innocence of the king's
murder.
t MS. Draft, State-paper Office, in Cecil's hand. Minute of the Queen's
majesty's Instructions given to Mr Randolph, 29th January, 1569-70.
J MS. State-paper Office, endorsed by Randolph. Letters sent by the
Lords for the Assembly, 17th February, 1 569-70.
Second son of Lord Dacres of Gillesland.
1569-70. INTERREGNUM. 263
from any open demonstration. When still brooding
over his projects, the law adjudged the rich family
estates, of which he deemed himself the heir, to the
daughters of his elder brother ; and, stung with this
imagined injury, he at once broke into rebellion, seized
the castles of Naworth, Greystock, and other places
of strength, collected three thousand men, and bid
defiance to the government. It was an alarming
outbreak, and greatly disturbed Elizabeth ; but the
flame was extinguished almost as soon as kindled, for
Lord Hunsdon instantly advanced from Berwick with
the best soldiers of his garrison there, and Sir John
Forster, warden of the middle marches, meeting him
with the Border militia, they encountered the fierce
insurgent on the banks of the little river Gelt, in
Cumberland, and after a sanguinary battle entirely
defeated him. Dacres and his brother fled into Scot-
land, where his presence, along with Westmoreland and
Northumberland, formed a just subject of complaint
and jealousy to, the English queen.*
Scotland in the meantime presented a melancholy
spectacle: torn between two factions, one professing
allegiance to the captive queen, the other supporting
the king's authority ;. both pretending an equal desire
for the peace of their country, but thwarted in every
effort to accomplish it by their own ambition and the
intrigues of England. Of these two parties, the friends
of the captive queen were the strongest, and must soon
have triumphed over their opponents, but for the as-
sistance given their opponents by Elizabeth. They
included the highest and most ancient nobility in the
country : the Duke of Chastelherault and the whole
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Hunsdon to the Queen, 20th Feb.
1 569-70. Also M S. Letter, State-paper Office, same to same, 27th February,
1569-70. Lingard, vol. viii. p. 60.
264 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1569-70.
power of the Hamiltons, the Earls of Argyle, Huntley,
Athole, Errol, Crawford, and Marshal ; Caithness,
Cassillis, Sutherland, and Eglinton ; the Lords Hume,
Seaton, Ogilvy, Ross, Borthwick, Oliphant. Yester,
and Fleming; Herries, Boyd, Somerville, Innermeith,
Forbes, and Gray,* The mere enumeration of these
names shows the power of that great party in the state
which now anxiously desired the restoration of the
queen, and resisted the hostile dictation, whilst they
still entreated the good offices of Elizabeth. They
possessed the castles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton,
the first commanding the capital of the country, the
second its strongest fortress, and, from its situation on
the Clyde, affording a port by which foreign succours
could be easily introduced into Scotland. But their
chief strength lay in Kirkaldy of Grange, and Maitland
of Lethington the secretary; Grange being universally
reputed the bravest and most fortunate soldier, and
Maitland the ablest statesman in the country.
It was generally believed that, with two such heads
to direct them, Mary's party would be more than a
match for their opponents. Yet these were formidable
enough. Their great leader, and the soul of every
measure, was the Earl of Morton, a man bred up from
his infancy in the midst of civil commotion, " nusselled
in war and shedding of blood," (to use a strong phrase
of Cecil's,)"!- and so intensely selfish and ambitious, that
country, kindred, or religion, were readily trampled on
in his struggle for power. His interest had made him
a steady Protestant. By his professions of attachment
* MS. State-paper Office, Petition to Elizabeth, 16th April, 1570. En-
dorsed by Cecil, Duke of Chastelherault, and his Associates, to the Queen's
majesty.
T Haynes' State Papers, p. 581. The phrase is applied by Cecil to the
Duke of Anjou.
1570. INTERREGNUM. 265
to the Reformation, he gained the powerful support
of Knox and the Church, and he was completely de-
voted to England. His associates were Lennox, Mar
the governor of the infant king, Glencairn, and Buchan,
with the Lords Glammis, Euthven, Lindsay, Cathcart,
Methven, Ochiltree, and Saltoun.*
Such was the state and strength of the two parties
when Randolph returned to Scotland as ambassador
from Elizabeth ; and, acting under the directions of
Cecil, exerted himself with such success to increase
their mutual asperity, that every attempt at union
or conciliation proved unsuccessful. The miserable
condition of the country at this moment,, has been
strikingly described by Sir James Melvil,. an eye-
witness, and an old acquaintance of Randolph. " Now,""
says he, " the two furious factions being framed in this
manner, the hatred and rage against each other grew
daily greater. For Master Randolph knew the diver-
sities that were among the noblemen, and the nature
of every one in particular, by his oft-coming and long
residence in Scotland. Among the ladies he had a
mother, and a mistress, to whom he caused his queen
oft send communications and tokens. He used also
his craft with the ministers, f and offered gold to divers
of them. One of them that was very honest, refused
his gift, but he told that his companion took it as by
way of charity. I am not certain if any of the rest
took presents, but undoubtedly he offered to such as
were in meetest rowmes, J to cry out against factions
here and there, and kindle the fiercer fire, so that the
parties were not content to fight and shed each other's
blood, but would flyte with injurious and blasphemous
* MS. Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Instructions given by the
Lords of Scotland to the Commendator of Dunfermline, 1st May, 1570.
f The Clergy. J Offkc,. Scold.
266 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
words, and at length fell to the down-casting of each
other's houses, whereunto England lent their help."
* * * Then, as Nero stood up upon a high
part of Rome, to see the town burning which he had
caused set on fire, so Master Randolph delighted to
see such fire kindled in Scotland, and, by his writings
to some in the court of England, glorified himself to
have brought it to pass in such sort, that it should not
be got easily slokenit* again, which, when it came to
the knowledge of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, he wrote
in-J- Scotland to my brother and me, and advertised
us how we were handled, detesting both Master Cecil
as director, and Master Randolph as executor."J
In such a state of things repeated attempts were
tnade to hold that Convention of the nobility, which
had been appointed to meet early in March ; but all
proved ineffectual; and Argyle, in a conference with
Morton and Lethington at Dalkeith, bitterly reproached
Randolph as the chief cause of their miseries. He ap-
pears to have taken the attack with great composure,
and contented himself with writing ahumorous satirical
letter to Cecil, in which he amused the English secre-
tary with a portrait of his Scottish brother : " The
Lord of Lethington," said he, " is presently at Seton,
to air himself before this convention. His wits are
sharp enough, and his will good enough to do good,
but fearful and doubtful to take matters in hand. He
doubteth some thunder-clap out of the south, (an allu-
sion to Lennox's threatened coming,) for he hath spied
a cloud somewhat afar off, which, if it fall in this coun-
try, wrecketh both him and all his family. * * *
I doubt nothing so much of him as I do of the length of
* Extinguished with water. f Into.
J Melvil' Memoirs, pp. 233, 234.
1570. INTERREGNUM. 267
his life. He hath only his heart whole, and his stomach
good, [with] an honest mind, somewhat more given to
policy than to Mr Knox's preachings. His legs are clean
gone, his body so weak that it sustaineth not itself,
his inward parts so feeble that to endure to sneeze he
cannot for annoying the whole body. To this the blessed
joy of a young wife hath brought him." *
On the day this letter was written, the populace of
Edinburgh, by whom the late regent had been much
beloved, were highly excited by the display, in the open
street, of a black banner, on which he was painted lying
dead in his bed, with his wound open ; beside him the
late king under the tree, as he was found in the garden
of the Kirk of Field ; and at his feet the little prince,
kneeling and imploring God to avenge his cause. Many
poems and ballads, describing Moray's assassination,
and exhorting to revenge, were scattered amongst the
people, and the exasperation of the two parties became
daily more incurable. [
The failure of the great assembly appointed for
March was followed by busy preparations. Every
baron assembled his vassals ; armed conventions of the
king's and queen's lords, as the two rival factions were
now termed, were held in various quarters ; and Morton
and Mar, who had been encouraged by the message
from Elizabeth, J having assembled their friends in
great strength in the capital, were eagerly pressing for
the return of Lennox, when the arrival of Monsieur
Verac from the court of France gave a. sudden check
to their hopes. He brought letters of encouragement
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph to Cecil, 1st March, 1569-70.
j" State-paper Office ; printed Broadsides, in black letter, by Lekprevik.
J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Mar to the Queen of England, Edin-
burgh, 14th March, 1569-70.
Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Lethington to Leicester, 29th
March, 1570. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office. John Gordon to Eliza-
beth, Berwick, 18th April, 1570.
268 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
and ample promises of succour to Mary's friends; and,
as they had received similar assurances from Spain,
they concentrated their whole strength, advanced to
Edinburgh, consulted with Grange the governor of the
castle, restored the Duke of Chastelherault and Lord
Herries to liberty,* compelled Randolph to fly from
the scene of his intrigues to Berwick, and summoned
a general convention of the whole nobility at Linlith-
gow. Its declared object was to return an answer to
France, and deliberate upon the best means of restoring
peace to their unhappy country ; at the same time they
addressed a petition to Elizabeth, in which they ear-
nestly implored her to put an end to the miserable
divisions of Scotland by restoring the Scottish queen. ^
Very different thoughts, however, from peace or
restoration, were then agitating the English queen.
The intrigues of Norfolk, the successive northern re-
bellions, the flight of the disaffected into Scotland, the
invasion of- Buccleugh and Fernyhirst, the fact that
this "raid" had been especially cruel, and that its
leaders had shown a foreknowledge of Moray's death,
besides the perpetual alarm in which she was kept by
the dread of French intervention and Spanish intrigue,
had roused her passion to so high a pitch, that she
commanded Sussex, her lieutenant in the north, to
advance into Scotland at the head of 7000 men. The
pretext was, to seize her rebels ; the real design was,
to let loose her vengeance upon the friends of Mary,
to destroy the country by fire and sword, and to incite
the different factions to actual hostilities. J
* Diurnal of Oecurrents, p. 1 67.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Duke of Chastelherault and his Asso-
ciates to the Queen's Majesty, written towards the end of March, 1570, de-
spatched from Edinburgh, 16th April.
J MS. Letter, draft by Cecil, State-paper Office, the Queen to Mr Ran-
dolph, 18th March, 156&70. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 227.
1570. INTERREGNUM. 269
On being informed of this resolution, the queen's
lords exerted their utmost efforts to prevent the ad-
vance of a force which they were wholly unprepared
to resist. * In England the Bishop of Ross and the
French ambassador, warmly remonstrated with the
queen ; Lethington, too, assured Leicester that a de-
monstration of hostilities would infallibly compel them
to combine against her, and three several envoys suc-
cessively sought the camp of Sussex to deprecate his
advance. But Elizabeth was much excited ; Randolph,
at this moment, had warned her of a conspiracy against
her life, and hinted that Mary was at the bottom of
it, "f whilst Morton blew the flame by accounts of the
hostile activity of Lethington, the total desertion of
Grange, and the warlike preparations of their oppo-
nents.
No one that knew the English queen expected that
she would have the magnanimity or the humanity to
arrest her arms. Under such provocation the storm
burst with terrific force. Sussex, entering the beauti-
ful district of Teviotdale and the Merse, the country
of Buccleugh and Fernyhirst, destroyed, at once, fifty
castles or houses of strength, and three hundred vil-
lages.} In a second inroad, Home castle, one of the
strongest in the country, was invested and taken ;
about the same time the western Border was invaded
by Lord Scrope, a country particularly obnoxious as
the seat of Herries and Maxwell ; and the tract of the
English army was marked by the flames of villages and
granges, and the utter destruction of the labours of the
* Copy of the time, endorsed by Cecil, State-paper Office, Instructions for
the Laird of Trabroun, 15th April, 1570. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper
Office, 18th April, 1570, John Gordon to the Queen's Majesty.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 14th April, 1570. Randolph to Cecil.
J Murdin, p. 769. Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, voL iii. p. 90.
270 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
husbandman.* To follow up this severity, Elizabeth
despatched Lennox, her intended regent, and Sir
William Drury the Marshal of Berwick, at the head
of twelve hundred foot and four hundred horse. This
little army included the veteran companies, called the
old bands of Berwick,^ and had orders to advance to
the capital, and avenge the death of the regent upon
the house of Hamilton.
To Lennox no more grateful commission could be
intrusted ; and, making all allowance for the recollec-
tion of ancient injuries, it is difficult to regard the in-
tensity of his vengeance without disgust. His letters
addressed to Elizabeth and Cecil are unfavourable spe-
cimens of his character full of abject expressions of
implicit submission, unworthy of his country and his
high rank. J He appears to have been wretchedly poor,
entirely dependent for his supplies upon the bounty
of the English queen; and although on his march a
grievous sickness had brought him to the brink of the
grave, his first thoughts on returning health were, as
he boasted to Cecil, " that he should soon pull the
feathers out of the wings of his opponents." This he
and his colleague, the Marshal of Berwick, performed
very effectually ; for having advanced to Edinburgh,
and formed a junction with Morton and his friends,
they dispersed the queen's faction who were besieging
the castle of Glasgow, and commenced a pitiless devas-
tation of Clydesdale and Linlithgowshire, razing their
castles, destroying their villages, and making a desert
of the whole territory. In this expedition the palace
* Spottiswood, p. 237.
f Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 1 76.
j MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox to Cecil, 16th April, 1570. Sam*
to same, 27th April, 1570. Same to same, 8th May, 1570.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox to Cecil, April 27, 1570. Ibid.
Same to same, 8th May, 1570.
1570. INTERREGNUM. 271
of Hamilton, belonging to the Duke of Chastelherault,
with his castles of Linlithgow and Kinneil, and the
estates and houses of his kindred and partisans were
so completely sacked and cast down, that this noble
and powerful house was reduced to the very brink of
ruin.*
Having achieved this, Lennox wrote in an elated
O '
tone to Cecil, glorying in the flight of their enemies,
recommending the English to reduce Dumbarton, and
imploring Elizabeth to pity his poverty and send him
more money. "f* From Lethington the English minister
received a letter in a different and more manly strain.
"It was his astonishment," he said, "and a mystery
to him, that the Queen of England had renounced the
amity of a powerful party in Scotland, consisting of
the best and noblest in the realm, for the friendship of
a few utterly inferior to them in degree, and whose
strength he might judge of by their being only able to
muster two hundred horse. In their mad attempts
they had thought nothing less than that they might
have carried off the ball alone, and have haled the devil
without impediment; but he had thrown a stumbling-
block in their way, and although they would fain make
him odious in England, he trusted Leicester and Cecil
would give as little heed to their aspersions as he did
to their threats : meanwhile, he was still ready to unite
with them in all good offices, and whatever happened
would not be Lot's wife. As for Randolph, he feared,
he had been but an evil instrument, and would never
believe the queen could have followed the course she now
adopted, if truly informed of the state of Scotland."]:
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 177. Murdin, p. 769.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox to Cecil, 17th May, 1570, Edin.
MS. Letter, Ibid. The Lords to Sussex, 16th May, 1570, Edinburgh.
Copy, State-paper Office, Lethington to Cecil, 17th May, 1570. I have
ventured to state the letter from internal evidence to be addressed to Cecil.
It is a copy, and does not bear any superscription.
272 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
These remonstrances of Lethington were repeated
and enforced in England by the French ambassador
and the Bishop of Ross, and Elizabeth began to have
misgivings that her severity would unite the whole
country against her. She instantly wrote to Sussex,
described her interview with the French ambassador,
declared she had justified the expedition as well as she
could, by asserting that she was only pursuing her
rebels, but that she was sorry he had taken so decided a
part, and would not hear of his besieging Dumbarton.*
At the same time she commanded Randolph to return
from Berwick to Edinburgh, and inform the two fac-
tions that, having " reasonably" chastised her rebels,
she had yielded to the desire of Mary's ambassador,
the Bishop of R*>ss, and was about to open a negotiation
for her restoration to her dominions. In the meanwhile
Sussex was directed to correspond with Morton and his
party. Ross repaired to Ghatsworth to deliberate with
his royal mi&tress, and her offers for an accommodation
were carried into Scotland by Lord Livingston and
John Beaton. The English army then retired, and
Elizabeth assured both factions of her earnest desire
for the common tranquillity.^
These transactions occupied a month,, and led to no
pacific result ; a matter of little surprise to those who
were assured of the hollowness of the professions on
the side of the English queen and Morton. The one
had not the slightest intention of restoring Mary; the
other deprecated such an event as absolute ruin ; and,
having humbled his enemies, looked forward to a rich
harvest of forfeiture and plunder.
A correspondence between Sussex, the leader of the
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Minute by Cecil of the Queen's Letter
to Sussex, May 22, 1570.
t MS. State-paper Office, Draft by Cecil. Queen to the Lords of Scot-
land, May 31, 1570.
1570. INTERREGNUM. 273
late cruel invasions, and Lethington, was the only
remarkable feature in the negotiations. The English
earl had been a commissioner in the conferences at
York ; he was familiar with the services of Moray,
Lethington, and Morton, during their days of fellow-
ship, and was selected by Elizabeth to remonstrate
with Maitland on his desertion of his old friends. To
his letters the secretary replied by some bitter remarks
on his recent cruelties, and he exposed also the infam-
ous conduct of the king's faction to their queen and
their native country. Sussex answered, that he would
be glad to know how Lethington reconciled his doings
at York, when he came forward and accused his sove-
reign of murder, with this new zeal in her defence.
" Your lordship," said he, addressing the Scottish
secretary, "must call to remembrance that your queen
was by you and others, then of the faction of Scotland,
and not by the queen my sovereign, nor by her know-
ledge or assent, brought to captivity, deprived of her
royal estate, to which she was by God's ordinance born
lawful inheretrix, condemned in parliament, her son
crowned as lawful king, the late Earl of Moray ap-
pointed by parliament to be regent, and revoked from
beyond the seas ; yourself held the place of secretary
to that king and state ; and after she escaped from her
captivity, from the which the queen my sovereign had
by all good means sought to deliver her, and had been
the only means to save her life while she continued
there, yourself and your faction at that time came into
England, to detect her of a number of heinous crimes,
by you objected against her; to offer your proofs, which
to the uttermost you produced, to seek to have her
delivered into your own hands, or to bind the queen's
majesty to detain her in such sort, as she should never
274 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
return into Scotland, and to persuade her majesty to
maintain the king's authority. Now, my lord, to re-
turn to my former questions, which be but branches
from those roots and cannot be severed from them, I
do desire to know by what doctrine you may think
that cause to be then just, which you now think to
be unjust? [how] you may think your coming into
England, your detecting her of crimes by you objected,
your proofs produced for that purpose, your requests
delivered to the queen my sovereign to deliver her
into your custody, or to promise to keep her as she
return not to Scotland; and to maintain her son's
authority, (then allowed always by you to be your
lawful king,) by what doctrine, I say, may ye think
the causes hereof to be then just, which you now think
to be unjust ?
" I would be glad to admit your excuse, that you
were not of the number that sought rigour to your
queen, although you were with the number, if I could
do it with a safe conscience. But as I will say, ' Non
est meum accusare, aliud ago, 1 and therefore I will
not enter into those particularities, so can I not make
myself ignorant of what I saw openly delivered by
word and writing, with a general assent of the late regent ;
and all that were in his company, which tended not to
a short restraint of your queen's liberty, but was direct-
ly either to deliver her captive into your own custody,
or to bind the queen my sovereign to detain her in such
sort, as she should never after trouble the state of Scot-
land ; wherein, if her perpetual captivity or a worse
matter were meant, and not a restraint for a time, God
and your own consciences, and others that dealt then with
you, do know. It may be you dealt openly on the one
side and secretly on the other, wherein how the queen
1570. INTERREGNUM. 275
ray sovereign digested your doings I know not ; but
this I know well, that if her majesty would have di-
gested that which was openly delivered unto her by
the general assent of your whole company, in such
sort as you all desired, devised, and earnestly (I will
not say passionately) persuaded. her at that time to do
for her own surety, the benefit of Scotland, and the
continuing of the amity between both the realms, there
had been worse done to your queen, than either her
majesty or any subject of England that I know, whom-
soever you take to be least free from passions, could
be induced to think meet to be done. 11 *
This cutting personal appeal, from one so intimately
acquainted with the secrets of these dark transactions,
was evaded by Lethington, under the plea that if he
went into an exculpation, it must needs " touch more
than himself, " glancing, probably, at his royal mistress ;
but Sussex in a former letter having assumed to him-
self some credit for revoking the army, the Scottish
secretary observed, that they, no doubt, wouldneed some
repose after their exertions, and ironically compliment-
ed him for his activity in the pursuit of his mistress's
rebels.
"When your lordship," said he,, "writeth, that you
intend to> revoke her majesty^ forces, I am glad thereof
more than I was at their coming in,; and it is not amiss
for their ease to have a breathing time, and some rest
between one exploit and another. This is the third
journey they have made in Scotland since your lord-
ship came to the Borders, and [you] have been so well
occupied in every one of them, that it might well be
said, * * they have reasonable well acquitted them-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, copy of the time, Sussex to Ledington,
29th Jnly, 1570.
276 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
selves of the duty of old enemies, and have burno and
spoiled as much ground within Scotland as any army
of England did in one year, these hundred years by-
past, which may suffice for a two month's work, al-
though you do no more."*
At the same time Randolph, in a letter from Ber-
wick, to his old military friend Grange, bantered him
on his acceptance of the priory of St Andrew's, a rich
gift, with which it was reported Mary had secured his
services. " Brother William, 1 " said he, " it was indeed
most wonderful unto me, when I heard that you should
become a prior. That vocation agreeth not with any-
thing that ever I knew in you, saving for your religious
life led under the cardinal's hat, when we were both
students in Paris. "-f-
It would have been well if these little attacks and
bickerings, which I have given as illustrating the char-
acter of some of the leading actors in the times, had
been the only weapons resorted to during this pretended
cessation of hostilities; but such was far from being the
case. On the contrary, the country presented a miser-
able spectacle of intestine commotion and private war,
and it was in vain that all good men sighed and struggled
for the restoration of order and tranquillity; the king's
authority was despised, the queen remained a captive,
there was no regent to whom the poor could look for
protection; every petty baron, even every private citizen,
found himself compelled to follow a leader, and, under
the cessation of agriculture and national industry, the
nation was rapidly sinking into a state of pitiable weak-
ness and bankruptcy. In the meantime, the Bishop
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Ledington to Sussex. 2d June,
1570, Dunkeld.
t Copy of the time, State-paper Office, May 1, 1570. Thomas Randolph
to the Laird of Grange.
1570. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 277
of Ross and the Lord of Livingston, continued their
negotiations for Mary ; * Cecil and the privy-council
deliberated, and the poor captive, languishing under
her lengthened imprisonment, refused no concession
which she deemed consistent with her honour; but
every effort failed, from the exasperation of the two
factions.
Morton and Lennox had despatched the Abbot of
Dunfermline to carry their offers to Elizabeth,, and
were thrown into deep anxiety by her doubtful replies.^
She had stimulated them to take arms, and now, as
they had experienced on former occasions, she appeared
ready to abandon them, when to advance without her
aid was impossible, aiid to recede would be absolute
ruin.
In this difficulty, a decided step was necessary, and
they determined to raise Lennox to the regency. It
was a measure imperatively required, as the only means
of giving union and vigour to their party; and v as they
acted with the advice of Randolph the English ambas-
sador, they were well assured that, although Elizabeth
affected neutrality for the moment, such a step would
not be unacceptable to her. But in deference to her
wishes for delay, they proceeded with caution. In a
convention of the lords of the king's faction, held at
Stirling on the sixteenth of June, they conferred upon
Lennox the interim office of Lieutenant-governor under
the king, until the twelfth of July. This choice they
* MS. State-paper 1 Office, B.C., Minute of the Queen's letter to Sussex,
a draft by Cecil, July 29, 1570. Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii.
p. 91.
H* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Instructions of the Lords of Scot-
land to the Abhot of Dunfermline, May 1, 1570. Also, copy, State-paper
Office, the Lords of Scotland to the Queen's majesty, June 1, 1570, Edin-
burgh, by the Abbot of Dunfermline. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office,
Lennox, Morton, and the Lords to the English Privy-council, 24th June,
1570.
VOL. VIL g
278 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
immediately imparted to the English queen, and ear-
nestly entreated her advice as to the appointment of a
regent.* Her reply was. favourable ; the disorders of
the country now called loudly, she said, for some settled
government; and, whilst she disclaimed all idea of dic-
tation, and should be satisfied with their choice wherever
it fell, it appeared to her that her cousin the Earl of
Lennox, whom they had already nominated their lieu-
tenant, was likely to be more careful of the safety of
the young king than any other. -f- Thus encouraged,
a convention was held at -Edinburgh on the twelfth of
July, in which Lennox was formally elected regent.
Lethington was then in Athole ; Huntley, whom Mary
had invested with the office of her lieutenant-governor,*
remained at Aberdeen, concentrating the strength of
the north ; and the other lords, who supported the
queen^s authority, were busily employed arming their
vassals in their various districts. Of course none of
these appeared at the convention ; and Grange, who
commanded in the castle, and might have battered the
Tolbooth, where the election took place, about the ears
of the new governor, treated the whole proceedings
with the utmost contempt. He refused to be present,
would not even hear the letter of Elizabeth read by
Randolph, and issued orders that no cannon should be
fired after the proclamation. Upon this Sussex told
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox, Morton, and the Lords to the
Privy-council, June 24, 1570. The names show the truth of Lethington's
observations, as to the weakness of the king's party, both in the ancient
nobility and in numbers, in comparison with the Queen'*. They are Earls
Lennox, Morton, Mar, Glencairn, Angus ; Lords Glammis, Lindsay, Ruth-
ven, Ochiltree, Borthwick, Cathcart, and Graham the master of Montrose.
Of the clergy, Robert (Pitcairn) abbot of Dunfermline, and Robert bishop of
Caithness.
( Spottiswood, p. 241.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sussex to Cecil, July 15, 1570,
Alnwick.
Copy of the time, State-paper Office, B.C., Sussex to Cecil, 19th July,
1570, Alnwick.
1570. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 279
Cecil, that he had written "roundly" to him, but so
little impression was made by his remonstrances, that
the queen's lords declared their determination to hold
a parliament at Linlithgow, on the fourth of August,
and publicly avowed their resolution never to acknow-
ledge Lennox as regent.*
Both parties now prepared for war, and the new
governor, aware that his only chance of success rested
on the support of England, despatched Nicholas Elphin-
eton to urge the immediate advance of Sussex with
his army, and the absolute necessity of having supplies
both of money and troops. Without a thousand foot-
men, it would be impossible for him to make head, he
said, against the enemy : Huntley was moving forward
to Brechin with all his force ; the Hamiltons were mus-
tering in the west ; Argyle and his highlanders and
islemen, were ready to break down on the lowlands ;
and, at the moment he wrote, Lord Herries and the
Lairds of Lochinvar, Buccleugh, Fernyhirst, and John-
ston, were up in arms and had begun their havoc.-f-
These representations alarmed Elizabeth. It was her
policy that the two factions should exhaust each other,
but that neither should be overwhelmed, and with this
view she directed Sussex to ravage the west Borders
" very secretly," and under the cloak of chastising her
rebels the Dacres, who were harboured in these quar-
ters. | At the same time that she thus herself kept up
the war, she publicly upbraided both parties with the
ceaseless rancour of their hostilities, and with much
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Instructions by Lennox to Nicho-
las Elphinston, July 23, 1570.
j* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox to Randolph, Stirling, July 31,
1570. Ibid. Instructions to Nicholas Elphinston, July 23, 1570.
Draft by Cecil, State-paper Office, July 26, 1570, Queen's majesty to
Sussex.
280 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
apparent anxiety encouraged Lord Livingston and the
Bishop of Ross, in negotiating a treaty for Mary's re-
storation.
But whilst nothing but professions of peace and
benevolence were on her lips, Scotland was doomed to
feel the consequences of such cruel and ungenerous
policy in a civil war of unexampled exasperation and
atrocity. To prevent any parliament being convened
by the queen's lords at Linlithgow, Lennox assembled
his forces, with which he joined the Earl of Morton,
and advancing against Huntley, stormed the castle
of Brechin, and hung up thirty-four of the garrison
(officers and soldiers) before his own house.* These
exploits were communicated by Randolph to Sussex,
now busy with his preparations for his expedition
against the West, and he informed him at the same
time that, in the negotiations then proceeding in Eng-
land, the Scottish queen had, it was said, behaved with
uncommon spirit. Elizabeth, before she restored her
to liberty, having insisted on being put in possession
of the castles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton, Mary, on
the first mention of such conditions by the Bishop of
Ross, indignantly declared, that the matter needed not
an instant's consideration. Elizabeth might do to her
what she pleased, but never should it be said, that she
had brought into bondage that realm of which she was
the natural princess. -|*
Sussex, at the head of four thousand men, now burst
into Annandale, and advanced in his desolating progress
to Dumfries. His own letter to the Queen of England,
the mediatrix between the two countries, will best
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, Randolph to Sussex, 14th August,
flbid.
1570. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 281
describe the nature of his visit. " I repaired," said he,
" with part of your majesty's forces to Carlisle, and,
receiving no such answer from the Lord Herries as I
expected, * * * I entered Scotland the twenty-second
of this present, and returned thither the twenty-eighth,
in which time I threw down the castles of Annand and
Hoddom, belonging to the Lord Herries ; the castles
of Dumfries and Carleverock, belonging to the Lord
Maxwell; the castles of Tynehill and Cowhill, belong-
ing to the Lairds of Tynehill and Cowhill ; the castles
of Arthur Greame and Richies George Greame, ill
neighbours to England and of Englishmen sworn, now
Scots, and some other piles where the rebels have been
maintained."* He observed, in a separate letter to
Cecil, " That he had avoided as much as he might the
burning of houses or corn, and the taking or spoiling
of cattle or goods, to make the revenge appear to be
for honour only;" and yet, he complacently adds, as if
afraid lest his royal mistress should misunderstand his
leniency, "I have not left a stone house to an ill neigh-
bour within twenty miles of this town."^ It is diffi-
cult to recount these transactions of Sussex, without
expressing abhorrence of the cruel and nefarious policy
by which they were dictated.
This invasion was followed by an abstinence of two
months, during which the negotiations for Mary's re-
storation were continued ; but, after repeated and pro-
tracted deliberations between the commissioners of
Elizabeth, the Scottish queen, and the regent, the issue
demonstrated the hollowness and insincerity of the
whole transaction upon the part of the English queen,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Carlisle, 29th Aug., 1570, Sussex
to the Queen's majesty.
t MS. Letter State-paper Office, B.C., Carlisle, Sussex to Cecil, 29th
August, 1570.
282 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
and the faction which she supported. Secretary Cecil
and Sir Walter Mildmay had repaired to Mary at
Chatsworth : they had proposed to her the conditions
of an accommodation; and after taking the advice of her
commissioners, and communicating with the king of
France and the Duke of Alva,* whose answers she
received, she had declared her acquiescence. All mat-
ters appeared to be upon the eve of a speedy arrange-
ment, and it only remained for the English and Scottish
commissioners to have a final discussion, when new
demands, to which it was impossible for the Scottish
queen to submit, were started by Elizabeth ; and Morton
for the 'first time declared, that his instructions were
limited to a general authority to treat of the amity of
the kingdoms, and that he and his colleagues had 110
power to receive their queen into Scotland, or to give
up to Elizabeth the person of their infant sovereign.-f-
This declaration, Lesley the bishop of Ross, with a
pardonable" warmth, characterized as an unworthy sub-
terfuge, complained that his mistress had been deceived,
and insisted that, if there was any sincerity upon the
part of the English queen, the treaty for the restoration
of the Queen of Scots might be terminated upon terms
of perfect honour and safety. J But the appeal was
addressed to ears determined to be shut against it.
Morton's conduct appears to have been the result of a
previous correspondence with Cecil and Sussex ; he was
well assured his declaration would be nowise unaccept-
able to Elizabeth herself; and the result justified his
expectation. The English deputies, in giving a final
judgment, observed, that as the representatives of Mary,
* Lesley's Negotiations, Anderson, vol. iii. pp. 109, 120, 121, 122, 123.
- t Ibid, pp. 125, 127, 130, 131, 133.
' J Ibid. pp. 134, 137, 139.
REGENCY OF LENNOX. 283
and those of the king and the regent, could not come
to an agreement, they considered their commission at
an end, and must break off the negotiations.*
During all this time the regent, although professing
to observe the abstinence, continued a cruel persecution
of his opponents, and determined to assemble a parlia-
ment in which he might let loose upon them all the
vengeance of feudal forfeiture. Against this Elizabeth
remonstrated, but in such measured and feeble terms
that her interference produced little effect.*}* It was
not so, however, with Sussex, a cruel soldier, but a
man of honour, who, on hearing a report that a sen-
tence of treason was about to pass upon Lethington,
wrote this sharp letter to Randolph.
"Master Randolph, I hear that Lethington is put
to the horn, his lands and goods confiscated and seized ;
if it so be, it doth not accord with the good faith the
queen's majesty meant in the articles accorded between
her highness and the Bishop of Ross, nor with the
writing I subscribed : and therefore I have written to
the regent and others in that matter. * * * And
although I, for my part, be too simple to be made a
minister in princes' causes, yet truly I weigh mine own
honour so much, as I will not oe made a minister to
subscribe to anything wherein my good faith and true
meaning should be abused to my dishonour, or any
person trusting to that he shall accord in writing with
me, should thereby be by fraud deceived.'^
At this moment nothing could exceed the exasper-
ation of the two parties, who employed every method
, 139.
, r _ r ,25th September, 1570,
Minute of the Queen's majesty's letter to Sussex.
J Copy of the time, State-paper Office, 8th October, 1570, Sussex to Ran-
dolph. Also Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 193.
284 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570
they could devise to blacken each other. The regent
was branded by Huntley, the lieutenant for the queen,
as a stranger and alien; a man sworn to the service of
England, supported by foreign power, and dead to
every honourable and patriotic feeling. Huntley and
his friends, on the other hand, were attacked as traitors
to the government, enemies to religion, band-breakers,
assassins of the late virtuous and godly regent, and
associates in that infamous band for the murder of their
sovereign, which many had seen and well remembered.
They replied, that if they were guilty or cognizant of
the murder, their opponents were not less so, and pro-
duced the band itself signed by Moray the regent,
amongst other names. It was answered, that this was
not the true contract for the king's murder, which
Lethington had abstracted and now produced another
in its place. The disputes became public, and Ran-
dolph, who felt indignant at the attack upon his old
friend the regent Moray, addressed a remarkable letter
to Cecil in his defence. " Divers," said he, "since the
death of the late regent, some to cover their own doings,
(how wicked soever they have been,) some to advance
their own cause grounded upon never so much injustice
and untruth, seek to make the late regent odious to
the world, spreading, after his death, such rumours of
him as they think doth make most to their advantage
towards their innocency in crimes that they are bur-
dened with, and would fain be thought guiltless of;
which is not only daily done here among themselves,
but spread so far abroad as they think to find any man
that will give credit either to their word or writing."
He then continued, " to name such as are yet here
living, most notoriously known to have been chief con-
senters to the king's death, I mind not, only I will say,
1570. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 285
that the universal bruit cometh upon three or four
persons, which subscribed into a * band,' promising to
concur, and assist each other in doing the same. This
band was kept in the castle, in a little coffer or desk,
covered with green; and, after the apprehension of the
Scottish queen at Carberry hill, was taken out of the
place where it lay by the Laird of Liddington in pre-
sence of Mr James Balfour, then clerk of the register,
and keeper of the keys where the registers are. This
being a thing so notoriously known, as well by Mr
James Balfour's own report, as the testimony of others
that have seen the same, is utterly denied to be true,
and another band produced, which they allege to be it,
(containing no such matter, at the which, with divers
other nobleman's hands, the regent's was also,) made
a long time before the band of the king's murder was
made ; and now [they] say, that if it can be proved
by any band, that they consented unto the king's
death, the late regent is as guilty as they ; and for
testimony thereof, as I am credibly informed [they]
have sent a band to be seen in England, which is either
some new band made among themselves, and the late
regent's hand counterfeited &L the same, (which in some
other causes I know hath been done,) or the old band,
at which his very own hand is, containing no such
matter.
"Wherefore, (continued Randolph to Cecil,) knowing
so much of his innocency in so horrible a crime, besides
the honour of so noble and worthy a personage, so dear
a friend to the queen's majesty my sovereign, I am
loath that, after his death, his adversaries should, by
false report, abuse the honest and godly, especially her
majesty, with such writings as they may either frame
themselves, or with such reports as are altogether void
286 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1570.
of truth. With this I am bold myself to trouble your
honour, and wish that the truth hereof were as well
known to all other, as I am assured myself that he was
never participant of the king's death, how maliciously
soever he be burdened therewith."*
Amidst these mutual heartburnings and accusations,
Uie party of the Church, still led by Knox, warmly
espoused the cause of the regent and the interests of
Elizabeth. He had bitterly deplored the loss of Moray,
and, aware of Mary^s application for succour to the
courts of Spain and France, two powers connected, in
his mind, with everything that was corrupt and idola-
trous, he denounced her intrigues in the pulpit, and
inveighed against her as a murderer and an adultress,
in his usual strain of passionate and personal invective.
" It has been objected against me," said he, " that I
have ceased to pray for my sovereign, and have used
railing imprecations against her. Sovereign to me she
is not, neither am I bound to pray for her in this place.
My accusers, indeed, term her their sovereign, and
themselves the nobility and subjects professing her
obedience ; but in this they confess themselves traitors,
and so I am not bound to answer them. * * *
As to the imprecations made against her, I have
willingly confessed, that I have desired, and in my
heart desire, that God of his mercy, for the comfort of
his poor flock within this realm, will oppose his power
to her pride, and confound her and her flatterers, and
assisters in their impiety. I praise my God, he of his
mercy hath not disappointed me of my just prayer: let
them call it imprecation or execration, as pleases them.
It has oftener than once stricken, and shall strike in
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, 15th October, 1570, Ran-
dolph to Cecil.
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 287
despite of man, maintain and defend her whoso list.
I am farther accused," he continued, " that I speak of
their sovereign (mine she is not) as that she were re-
probate, affirming that she cannot repent ; whereto, I
answer that the accuser is a calumniator and a manifest
liar, for he is never able to prove that, at any time, I
have said that she could not repent ; but I have said,
and yet say, that pride and repentance abide not in one
heart of any long continuance." " What I have spoken
against the adultery, against the murders, against the
pride, and against the idolatry of that wicked woman,
I spake not as one that entered into God's secret
counsel, but being one, of God's great mercy, called to
preach, according to his blessed' will revealed in his
Holy Word, I have oftener than once pronounced the
threatenings of his law against such as have been of
counsel, knowledge, assistance, or consent, that inno-
cent blood should be shed. And this same thing I
have pronounced against all and sundry that go about
to maintain that wicked woman, and the band of those
murderers, that they suffer not the death according to
his Word, that the plague may be taken away from
this land, which shall never be, so long as she and they
remain unpunished, according to the sentence of God's
law."*
To enter into the minute details of that miserable
civil war, by which the country was daily ravaged, and
the passions of the two rival factions wrought up to
the highest pitch of exasperation, would be a sad and
unprofitable task. Notwithstanding some assistance
in arms and money from France and Spain,-f- and the
incessant exertions of Grange and Lethington to keep
* Bannatyne's Journal, pp. 109, 112, inclusive.
f History of James the Sext, pp. 62, .64. .
288 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
up the spirit of the queen's friends, it was evident that
they were becoming exhausted under the long-protracted
struggle ; and the capture of Dumbarton castle by the
regent, which occurred at this time, gave a severe shock
to their fortunes.
This exploit, for its extraordinary gallantry and
success, deserves notice. The castle, as is well known,
is strongly situated on a precipitous rock, which rises
abruptly from the Clyde, at the confluence of the little
river Leven with this noble estuary. It was com-
manded by Lord Fleming, who, from the beginning of
the war, had kept it for the queen; and its importance
was great, not only from its strength, which made
many pronounce it impregnable, but because its situ-
ation on the Clyde rendered it at all times accessible to
foreign ships, which brought supplies.
Captain Crawford of Jordanhill, to whom the attack
was intrusted, had been long attached to the house of
Lennox. He was the same person whose evidence was
so important regarding the death of Darnley, and who
afterwards accused Lethington of participation in the
murder, since which time he appears to have followed
the profession of arms. In the enterprise he was
assisted by Cunningham, commonly called the Laird,
of Drumwhassel, one of the bravest and most skilful
officers of his time, and he had been fortunate in se-
curing the assistance of a man named Robertson, who,
having once been warder in the castle, knew every step
upon the rock familiarly, and for a bribe consented to
betray it.
With this man, Crawford and his company marched
from Glasgow after sunset. He had sent before him
a few light horse, who prevented intelligence by stop-
ping all passengers, and arrived about midnight at
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 289
Dumbich, within a mile of the castle, where he was
joined by Drumwhassel and Captain Hume, with a
hundred men. Here he explained to the soldiers the
hazardous service on which they were to be employed,
provided them with ropes and scaling ladders, and
advancing with silence and celerity, reached the rock,
the summit of which was fortunately involved in a
heavy fog, whilst the bottom was clear. But on the
first attempt all was likely to be lost. The ladders
lost their hold, whilst the soldiers were upon them ;
and had the garrison been on the alert the noise must
inevitably have betrayed them. They listened, how-
ever, and all was still ; again their ladders were fixed,
and this time their steel hooks catching firmly in the
crevices, they gained a small jutting-out ledge, where
an ash tree had struck its roots, which assisted them,
as they fixed their ropes to its branches, and thus
speedily towed up both the ladders and the rest of their
companions.
They were still, however, far from their object.
They had reached but the middle of the rock, day was
breaking, and when, for the second time, they placed
their ladders, an extraordinary impediment occurred.
One of the soldiers in ascending was seized with a fit,
in which he convulsively grasped the steps so firmly,
that no one could either pass him or unloose his hold.
But Crawford's presence of mind suggested a ready
expedient ; he tied him to the ladder, turned it, and
easily ascended with the rest of his men. They were
now at the bottom of the wall, where the footing was
narrow and precarious; but, once more fixing their
ladders in the copestone, Alexander Ramsay, Craw-
ford's ensign, with two other soldiers, stole up, and
though instantly discovered on the summit by the
290 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
sentinel, who gave the alarm, leapt down and slew him,
sustaining the attack of three of the guard till he was
joined by Crawford and his soldiers. Their weight and
struggles to surmount it, now brought down the old
wall and afforded an open breach, through which they
rushed in, shouting, " a Darnley, a Darnley," Craw-
ford's watch-word, given evidently from affection for
his unfortunate master, the late king. The garrison
were panic-struck, and did not attempt resistance ;
Fleming the governor, from long familiarity with the
place, managed to escape down the face of an almost
perpendicular cleft or gully in the rock, and passing
through a postern, which opened upon the Clyde,
threw himself into a fishing-boat and passed over to
Argyleshire.*
In this exploit the assailants did not lose a man, and
of the garrison only four eoldiers were slain. In the
castle were taken prisoners, Hamilton the Bishop of
St Andrew's, who was found with his mail shirt and
steel cap on;-f- Verac the French ambassador, Fleming
of Boghall, and John Hall, an English gentleman,
who had fled to Scotland after Dacre's rebellion. Lady
Fleming, the wife of the governor, was also taken, and
treated by the regent with great courtesy, permitted
to go free, and to carry off with her her plate and fur-
niture ; but Hamilton the primate, was instantly
brought to trial for the murder of the king and the
late regent, condemned, hanged, and quartered, without
delay. Of his being not only cognizant, but deeply
implicated in both conspiracies, there seems little
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 203. Buchanan, Book xx. cap. 28 to 32.
Historie of James the Sext, pp. 70, 71. Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office,
B.C., Drury to the Privy-council, 3d April, 1571. Also MS. Letter, State-
paper Office, B.C., Drury to the Council, 9th April, 1571.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to the Council, 9th April,
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 291
doubt;* but the rapidity with which the legal proceed-
ings were hurried over, and the feeling of personal
vengeance which mingled with the solemn judgment of
the law, caused many who were assured of his guilt to
blame his death. The reformed clergy pointed to his
fate as a judgment from heaven ; the people, who were
aware of his corrupt life and profligate principles,
rejoiced over it; and this distich was fixed to the
gallows on which he suffered :
" Cresce diu felix arbor, semperque vireto
Frondibus, qui nobis talia poma feras."
The loss of Dumbarton was a severe shock to the
queen's cause. It gave a death-blow to all hopes of
foreign aid ; and the regent advanced to Edinburgh
with the determination of holding a parliament, col-
lecting his whole force, and at once putting an end to
the struggle. } Grange, however, still held out the
castle, keeping the citizens of the capital who favoured
the king's faction in constant terror, and affording a
rallying point to the queen's friends. During the late
abstinence, he had been guilty of many excesses, and
on one occasion had broken 'che common prison, and
rescued one of his soldiers who had stabbed a gentleman
in (the street. It was said, also, that he had carried
off at the same time a woman, suspected of being cog-
nizant of the late regent's murder. Upon hearing of
the outrage, Cecil, his old friend, recently created Lord
Burghley, remonstrated in indignant terms, expressing
his horror, that one in his high command, and who had
in former years of their intimacy been a professor of
* Copy of the time, State-paper Office, B.C., LordHerries to Lord Scrope,
10th April, 1571. Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lennox, regent, to
Burghley, 14th May, 1571.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Resent to Cecil, (now Lord Burghley.)
Mth May, 1571, Leith.
292 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
the Gospel, should be guilty of so flagrant a contempt
of its dictates. The concluding portion of his letter is
remarkable : " How you will allow my plainness,""
said he, " I know not ; but surely I should think
myself guilty of blood, if I should not thoroughly
mislike you ; and to this I must add, that I hear, but
yet am loath to believe it, that your soldiers that broke
the prison have not only taken out the murderer, your
man, but a woman that was there detained as guilty
of the lamentable death of the last good regent.
" Alas ! my lord, may this be true ? and with your
help may it be conceived in thought that you, you, I
mean, that was so dear to the regent, should favour
his murderers in this sort. Surely, my lord, if this
be true, there is provided by God some notable work
of his justice to be showed upon you ; and yet 1 trust
you are not so void of God's grace : and so for mine
old friendship with you, and for the avoiding of the
notable slander of God's word, I heartily wish it to be
untrue. * * * I pray you commend me .to my
Lord of Ledington, of whom I have heard such things
as I dare not believe of him, and yet his deeds make
me afraid of his well doing."*
This eloquent appeal of the English minister would
have been well calculated to recall Grange to his duty,
had he and Lethington not been aware that there were
occasions when deeds of violence, and even assassina-
tion, did not excite, in his placid temper, such extreme
feelings of abhorrence.
In the meantime Morton, Makgill, and the Abbot
of Dunfermline returned from their negotiations in
England ;-f- and, on rejoining the regent, it was deter-
* Copy, State-paper Office, endorsed by Cecil himself. " Copy of Taj
letter to the Laird of Grange. 10th January, 1570-1."
f 19th April.
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 293
mined to resume hostilities with vigour. Lennox issued
a summons for the whole force of the realm to meet
him at Linlithgow on the nineteenth of May, and
Morton concentrated at Dalkeith the troops which
were in regular service and pay.* Grange on his part
was nothing intimidated. He had received money
from Mary, who, although in captivity, contrived to
keep a secret intercourse with her supporters ; about the
same time a seasonable supply of a thousand crowns,
with arms and ammunition, arrived from France. }
The Duke joined him with three hundred horse and
one hundred hagbutters. Lord Herries and Lord
Maxwell entered the capital with two hundred and
forty horse, Fernyhirst soon followed them, and the
castle was so strong in its garrison and its fortifications,
that he regarded the motions of his opponents with
little anxiety.
On the ninth of May, Lennox and Morton, having
united their forces, encamped at Leith, and erected a
small battery on a spot called the Dow Craig, J above
the Trinity Church, with the object of commanding the
Canongate, a principal street of the city. Here, whilst
the cannon of the castle opened upon them, they as-
sembled to hold their parliament, which was numerously
attended, and fulminated a sentence of forfeiture against
Lethington, his brother Thomas Maitland, and others
of the most obnoxious of their opponents. Having
hurried through these proceedings, they broke up their
assembly, and abandoned the siege, whilst Grange im-
mediately held a rival parliament in the queen's name,
and attacked his enemies with their own weapons.
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 209. f Ibid. p. 211.
t The Pigeon's Rock.
Diurnal of Occurrentg, p. 215. Historic of James the Sext, p. 87.
VOL. VII. T
294 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
It is impossible to conceive a more miserable specta-
cle than that presented at this moment by the coun-
try and the capital : the country torn and desolated
by the struggles of two exasperated factions, whose
passions became every day more fierce and implacable,
BO that the very children fought under the name of
king's and queen's men ; * the capital in a state of siege,
whilst the wretched citizens, placed between the fires
of the castle and the camp of the regent, were compelled
to intermit their peaceful labours, and either to serve
under the queen's banner, or to join Lennox, and
have their property confiscated. Two hundred chose
this last severe alternative, and fled to the camp at
Leith, upon which, Grange passionately deposed the
provost and magistrates, and placed Kerr of Ferny-
hirst, a fierce and powerful Border chief, in the civic
chair, with a council of his retainers to act as bailies.^
Amid these transactions, Sir William Drury the
Marshal of Berwick, had been sent by Elizabeth to
open negotiations with the leaders of the two factions,
and, if possible, to bring about a pacification. Such,
at least, was the avowed object of his mission; but the
court of England have been accused by Sir James Mel-
vil of acting at this moment with great duplicity : *
the various ministers whom they sent into Scotland,
if we may believe this writer, a man of character, and
intimately acquainted with the times and the actors,
were instructed to widen rather than to heal the wounds
of the country ; and it is certain that Drury 's con-
ferences with Kirkaldy, Morton, and Lennox, were
followed by fiercer struggles than before. Nor were
* Crawford, p. 179. f Diurnal, p. 226.
J Melvil's Memoirs, p. 240. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton to
Elizabeth, Leith, 23d August, 1571.
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 295
English intrigue, and the jealous or selfish passions of
the rival factions, the only causes of the continuance
of this unhappy state of things : fanaticism added her
horrors to the war; and the reformed clergy, by a
refusal to pray for the queen, inflamed the resentment
of her friends, and gave an example of rancour to the
people. Knox, their great leader, had some time before
declared his determination never to acknowledge her
authority, and no longer to supplicate God for her
welfare. * On the entry of his enemies the Hamiltons
into the capital, he had been compelled to a precipitate
retreat ;*f* but his flight was followed by more resolute
measures on the part of the Kirk and the clergy, an as-
sembly being convoked some time after at Stirling, which
confirmed his judgment and reiterated their refusal. J
Grange now determined to hold a parliament in
Edinburgh, whilst the regent and the king's lords re-
solved to assemble the three Estates in Stirling. On
the queen's side, sentences of forfeiture and treason
were pronounced against Lennox the regent, Morton,
and Mar, the Lords Lindsay, Hay, Cathcart, Glam-
mis, Ochiltree, Makgill clerk-register, the Bishop of
Orkney, and a long list of the king's faction, amount-
ing nearly to two hundred persons. The assembly,
however, which was only attended by two of the spiritual
and three of the higher temporal lords, was scarcely
entitled to the name of a parliament. || On the other
hand, their opponents,' with a greater attendance of
the nobility, and a more solemn state, met at Stirling.
* Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 225. Historic of James the Sext, p. 93. Ban-
natyne's Journal, p. 98.
t Historie of James the Sext, p. 75. Bannatyne's Journal, p. 118.
J Historie of James the Sext, p. 80.
Diurnal, pp. 236, 242, 243.
|| Spottiswood, p. 256. MS. State-paper Office, August, 1571. The speech
of the king in the Tolbooth.
296 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
Here the young king, then an infant of five years, was
invested in his royal robes, and carried from the palace
to the parliament by his governor the Earl of Mar,
where he read a speech which had been prepared for
him.* The doom of treason was then pronounced
upon the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earl of Huntley,
Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, Lord Claud Hamil-
ton, the Abbot of Arbroath, Sir James Balfour, Robert,
afterwards Sir Robert Melvil, and many others; whilst
it was determined to despatch immediately an embassy
to Elizabeth for the purpose of concluding a more in-
timate alliance, and assuring her of their speedy triumph
over the faction of the Scottish queen.-f Before the
parliament separated a slight circumstance occurred
which was much talked of at the time. The little
king, in a pause of the proceedings, turning to his
governor, asked him, what house they were sitting in?
On being answered that it was called the parliament
house, he looked up to the roof, and pointing to a small
aperture which his quick eye had detected, observed,
that there was a hole in that parliament. People
smiled, but the superstitious declared that it augured
disaster to the regent, whose death occurred only five
days after, J in an enterprise which seemed likely at
first to have brought the war on Grange's side to a
fortunate and glorious conclusion.
This able soldier, having learnt the insecurity with
which the regent and his friends were quartered at
Stirling, concluded that it would not be difficult, by a
rapid night march, to surprise the city. Huntley, Lord
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, John Case to Drury, Stirling, August
29, 1571.
f MS. State-paper Office, August, 1571. Persons forfeited in Scotland.
Maitland, vol. h. 1124. Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 245.
J Historic of James the Sest, p. 88.
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 297
Claud Hamilton, Buccleugh, Spens of Wormiston, one
of the bravest and most successful captains who had
been bred in these wars, Kerr of Fernyhirst, and two
officers named Bell and Calder, were the leaders whom
he selected. Their force consisted of sixty mounted
hagbutters and three hundred and forty Border horse;
and as Bell had been born in Stirling, and knew every
lane and alley, no better guide could have been chosen.
This little force rode out of Edinburgh in the evening
of the third of September, some horsemen having been
previously sent to the ferry and other parts between
Stirling and the capital, to arrest all passengers and
prevent any information being carried there. * They
first took the road towards Peebles, and it was reported
in the enemy's camp at Leith, that they meditated an
attack upon Jedburgh. Favoured by the night, how-
ever, they wheeled off in the direction of Stirling, and
having left their horses about a mile from that city,
entered it on foot by a secret passage in the gray of
the morning before the inhabitants were stirring. So
complete was the surprise, that they occupied every
street without difficulty;*^ broke up the noblemen's
houses; and in an incredibly short time took prisoners
the regent himself, the Earls of Morton, Glencairn,
Argyle, Cassillis, Eglinton, Montrose, and Buchan,
with the Lords Semple, Cathcart, and Ochiltree. These
were placed under a guard in their houses, and at this
moment, had the Borderers kept together, the victory
was complete ; but the Liddesdale men went to the
spoil, emptied the stables of their horses, broke up the-
* MS. Letter State-paper Office, from Scotland, a spy to Lord Burghley,
5th September, 1571. Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Grange and
Lethington to Sir William Drury, 6th September, 1571.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Grange and Maitland to Drury, 6th
September, 1571.
298 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
merchants'" booths, encumbered themselves with booty,
and dispersed in the lanes instead of watching the
prisoners. It happened here, too, as is often the case
in an action of this kind, that a few minutes are often
invaluable. Morton, before he was taken, had blockaded
his house, and refusing to surrender till it was set on
fire, his resistance gave the townsmen time to recover
themselves. Mar, in the meantime, rushing from the
castle with forty soldiers, commenced a fire from an
unfinished lodging, which still fronts the High Street,
and drove Huntley and Buccleugh with their prisoners
from the market-place to another quarter, where they
were assailed by the citizens on all sides ; whilst Len-
nox, Morton, and the rest of the noblemen, so lately
captives, snatched up such weapons as were at hand
in the confusion, and soon put their enemies to flight.
In the midst of this confusion and struggle, Captain
Calder, rendered furious by the disappointment, de-
termined that- the regent, at least, should not escape,
and coming up behind, shot him through the back.
Lennox had been made prisoner by Spens of Wormis-
ton; and this brave and generous man, perceiving
Calder's cruel intention, threw himself between them,
and received the same shot in his body, and was then
hacked to pieces by the soldiers, Lennox faintly im-
ploring them to spare one who had risked his life in
his defence. Calder afterwards confessed that he was
instigated to this savage deed by Lord Claud Hamilton
and Huntley, before they took the town, in revenge for
the death of the Archbishop of St Andrew's, whose
ignominious execution the Hamiltons had sworn to
visit to the uttermost upon the regent. A swift ven-
geance, however, overtook his assassin, for lie and
Bell, the chief leader of the enterprise, having fallen
1571. REGENCY OF LENNOX. 299
into the hands of the enemy, were instantly executed;
Bell being hanged, having first been put to the torture,
and Calder broke upon the wheel. *
Buccleugh was taken, only nine of the queen's party
slain, and sixteen made prisoners. The loss would
have been much greater, but that the Liddesdale and
Teviotdale Borderers had stolen every hoof within the
town, and not a horse could be found to give the chase.
It was certainly, even with its half success, a daring
exploit ; and Grange, in a letter written a few days
after, whilst he deplored the fate of the regent, could
not refrain from some expressions of exultation. "In
their parliament time, (said he,) when all their lords,
being twenty earls and lords spiritual and temporal,
were convened in their principal strength, wherein
there were above two thousand men, three hundred of
ours entered among them, were masters of the town
at least for the space of three hours, might have slain
the whole noblemen if they had pleased, and retired
themselves in the end with a rich booty, and without
any harm. 1 '^ The unfortunate regent was able to
keep his seat on horseback till he entered the castle of
Stirling, but the first view of his wound convinced
every one that it was mortal ; and his own feelings
telling him he had but a few hours to live, he begged
* Second examination of Bell, State-paper Office, 6th September, 1571.
" George Bell * * being put to pains, declares he came running down the
gate for Huntley and Claud, and cried ' shoot the regent ! the traitor is
coming upon us, and ye will not get him away. ' Declared also that Claud
inquired of this deponer where is the regent ? who answered again, he is
down the gait, who gave commandment to him to follow, and gar slay him,
and so past down and bad shoot him, as he else said. In the meantime,
Wannestoun bad seek a horse to carry him away." There is also in the
State-paper Office, the examination of Captain Calder or Gadder, who con-
fesses that he shot the regent ; and before coming to Stirling, that he had
received orders from Huntley and Lord Claud Hamilton, to shoot both the
regent and the Earl of Morton. MS. State-paper Office, 6th September,
1571.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Burghley, 13th Sept. 1571.
300 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
the chief nobles to come to his bed-side. Here he
recommended the young king, his grandson, to their
affectionate care, reminded them that as he had been
faithful to his office, and had sealed his services with
his blood, so he trusted they would fill his place by a
man that feared God and loved his country. For his
servants, they knew he had been cut off before he could
reward them, so he must leave their recompense to his
friends ; for himself, he would only ask their prayers ;
and for my poor wife Meg, said he, turning to Mar
and wringing his hand, you, my lord, must remember
me lovingly to her, and do your best for her comfort.*
He died that same evening, the fourth of September,
and on the succeeding day the Earl of Mar, governor
to the young king, was chosen regent. His competi-
tors for the office were Argyle, whom Morton had in-
duced to join the king's faction, and Morton himself,
who was supported by English influence ; but the
majority declared for Mar, whose character for honesty
in these profligate times stood higher than that of any
of the nobles, -jp
On his accession to the supreme power, Mar con-
fidently hoped that, by a judicious mixture of vigour
and conciliation, he should be able to reduce the op-
posite faction, and restore peace to the country ; J but
the difficulties he had to contend against were infinitely
more complicated than he anticipated. On the one
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Druiy to Burghley, Berwick, Sept. 10,
1571. Spottiswood, p. 257.
{ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Sept. 14, Berwick, Drury to Burghley.
Also, .Spottiswood, p. 257. In a letter of Drury's to Burghley, MS. State-
paper Office, B.C., September 5, 1571, he says, speaking of Lennox's reported
death, " if it he true, the queen's majesty hath received a great loss, the like
in affection she will never find of a Scottish man born person."
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Berwick, September 14, 1571, Drury
to Burghley. Drury gives Mar a high character as "one of the best nature
in Scotland, and wholly given to quietness and peace."
1571. REGENCY OF MAE. 301
hand Grange's position was strong, and his military
resources far from being exhausted, as the regent him-
self soon experienced ; for, after an attempt to bombard
the city, first on the east side, and afterwards by a
strong battery on the south, in a spot called the Pleas-
ance, the name it still bears, he was silenced in both
quarters, and forced to retire on Leith.* On the other
hand, every attempt at negotiation was defeated by
the unreasonable and overbearing conduct of Morton,
who had entirely governed the late regent, and deter-
mined either to rule or to overwhelm his successor.
This daring and crafty man, who was the slave of
ambition, knew well that his best chance of securing
the supreme power, lay in keeping up the commotions
of the country; and in this perfidious effort he received
rather countenance than opposition from the govern-
ment of England. So successful were his efforts, that
for some months after Mar's accession to the regency,
and during the siege of the capital, the war assumed
an aspect of unexampled ferocity.
In the midst of all this nrsery, the supporters of
the captive queen were generally successful. Mar had
been compelled to abandon the siege of Edinburgh, and
BOW sent an earnest petition for assistance from Eliza-
beth, -f In the north, Adam Gordon of Auchendown,
Huntley's brother, defeated the king's adherents in
repeated actions, and brought the whole of the country
under Mary's obedience. J Gordon's talents for war
were of the first order, and in his character we find a
singular mixture of knightly chivalry, with the ferocity
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Berwick, 9th October, 1571, Drury to
Burghley. MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Hunsdon to Burghley, Berwick,
November 4, 1571.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, endorsed by Cecil, Cunningham's de-
mands, October 1, 1571.
Historic of James the Sext, pp. 109, 113, inclusive.
302 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571.
of the highland freebooter. Of the first he exhibited
a striking instance at Brechin, where, after a total
defeat given to the Earl of Buchan, he generously dis-
missed nearly two hundred prisoners, most of them
gentlemen, without ransom or exchange. Of his ven-
geance, a dreadful example was given in his burning
the castle of Towie, with its unfortunate mistress
the Lady Forbes, and. her whole household, thirty-
seven in number. In her husband's absence, she had
undertaken its defence, and too rashly defied him from
the battlements. Such a combination as that exhibited
by Gordon was no unfrequent production in these
dark and sanguinary times.*
Meanwhile, in England, was discovered a new in-
trigue of the Duke of Norfolk for his marriage with
the Scottish queen. This nobleman had been liberated
from the Tower, under the most solemn promises to
forsake all intercourse with Mary ; but his ambition
overmastered both prudence and honour, and he had
again embarked deeply with the Bishop of Ross and
other 'friends of the captive princess, in their schemes
for her restoration and marriage. It was not to be
expected that the English queen should again pardon
so dangerous an attempt ; and her animosity was roused
to the highest pitch, when she discovered the skill with
which the plot had been carried on : its ramifications
with her own Roman Catholic subjects, its favourable
reception by the courts of France and Spain, and the
undiminished spirit and enterprise of Mary. Norfolk
was accordingly tried and executed, the Bishop of Ross
sent to the Tower, and a determined resolution em-
* Historic of James the Sext, pp. 97, 111. Crawford in his Memoirs, p.
213, attempts to defend Gordon from the exploit, because it was executed
by one of his captains named Ker ; but gives no proof that it was done with-
out Gordon's orders.
1571. REGENCY OF MAR. 303
braced and openly declared by Elizabeth, that hence-
forth she would forsake all thoughts of the Scottish
queen's restoration, and compel a universal obedience
to the government of the king her son.
To obtain this, however, she was unwilling to incur
the expense of an army, or the risk of a defeat. And
by her orders, Sir William Drury the Marshal of
Berwick, and Lord Hunsdon the governor, began a
correspondence with Grange, with the object of bringing
him to terms. Lord Burghley, also, after a silence of
two years, sent a friendly message to Lethington, and
the secretary seemed rejoiced that their intercourse
was renewed. He lamented their interrupted friend-
ship, expressed satisfaction that some seeds of love yet
remained, and trusted they would still produce either
flower or fruit. To go into all the history of these sad
times, he said, or of his conduct in them, would be as
tedious as to declare, " Bellum Trojanum ab Ovo."
But this he would say, that since the beginning of
their acquaintance, he had reverenced him as a father,
and followed his counsels as of the dearest friend he
had. As to Drury's messages, the matters they had
to treat of were such as related to honour, duty, and
surety, no light subjects. They proposed, therefore,
to send a special messenger to the queen's majesty,
to inform her particularly of their intentions, and, in
return, expected, that she would grant a commission,
either to Drury or some other person, who should be
empowered to conclude a treaty with them.*
This high tone appears to have disgusted Elizabeth;
Drury's letters led to no satisfactory result; and Lord
Hunsdon, after a tedious correspondence, was equally
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Lethingtou to Burghley, castle of Edin-
burgh, 26th October, 1571.
304 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1571-2.
unsuccessful. He was instructed to bring over the
queen's faction either by negotiation or by force ; but
when Grange discovered that he had no commission
from his royal mistress to bind her by any positive
agreement, he wisely rejected his offers ; and as the
force of which he talked did not appear to be forth-
coming, totally disregarded his threats. There is,
indeed, every reason to believe that Elizabeth's chief
object at this moment in the negotiations with Mary's
supporters was, to ascertain their exact strength and
the practicability of reducing the kingdom under the
king's obedience.*
Meanwhile, owing to the season of the year, for
winter was commencing, she determined to delay all
hostilities and permit the rival factions to exhaust each
other, confident that her interest would not materially
suffer by the delay. Nor were her hopes in this dis-
appointed. For many miserable months Scotland
presented a sight which might have drawn pity from
the hardest heart : her sons engaged in a furious and
constant butchery of each other ;^ every peaceful or
useful art entirely at a stand ; her agriculture, her com-
merce and manufactures neglected; nothing heard from
one end of the country to the other but the clangour
of arms and the roar of artillery ; nothing seen but
villages in flames, towns beleaguered by armed men,
women and children flying from the cottages where
their fathers or husbands had been massacred, and even
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 10th November, 1571, Berwick, Hnns-
don to the Lairds of Lethington and Grange ; and also copy of the time,
State-paper Office, Grange and Lethington to Hunsdon, Edinburgh castle,
9th December, 1571.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph and Drury to Leicester and
Burghley, Leith, February 23d, 1571-2. Also Ibid, same to Hunsdon, Leith,
February 26th, 1571-2. Also MS. Letter, Randolph and Drury' to Lord
Hunsdon, Leith, 10th April, 1572.
1571-2. REGENCY OF MAR. 305
the pulpit and the altar surrounded by a steel-clad
congregation which listened tremblingly with their
hands upon their weapons. Into all the separate facts
which would support this dreadful picture I must not
enter, nor would I willingly conduct my reader through
the shambles of a civil war: prisoners were tortured or
massacred in cold blood, or hung by forties and fifties
at a time ; countrymen driving their carts, or attempt-
ing to sell their stores in the city, were hanged or
branded with a hot iron; women coming to market
were seized and scourged, and, as the punishment did
not prevent repetition of the offence, one delinquent
who ventured to retail her country produce, was bar-
barously hanged in her own village near the city.*
These are homely details, but they point to much
intensity of national misery, and made so deep an
impression, that the period, taking its name from
Morton, was long after remembered as the days of the
" Douglas wars."
When we consider the aggregate of human misery
and guilt which such a state of things supposes, it is
impossible to withhold our abhorrence at the cold-
blooded policy which, for its own ends, could foster its
continuance. Yet at this moment Elizabeth appears
to have secured the services of Morton by a pension,
and these services were wholly directed to oppose every
effort made by the regent to restore peace to the coun-
try.-j- His principle was, never to sheath the sword
till his enemies had unconditionally surrendered, and
the cause of the captive queen should be rendered
utterly hopeless.
* The village of West Edmonston. Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 296. His-
torie of James the Sext, p. 103.
. f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Instruction by Morton, given to Sir "Wil-
liam Drury to communicate to the Queen's majesty. Ahout 28th Nov. 1571.
306 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
Such a consummation, however, seemed still distant.
The efforts of Gordon in the north, and Kirkaldy and
Lethington in the capital, exhibited no signs of feeble-
ness. Even the shocking severities I have mentioned of
Morton produced little other feelings than execrations
against their author; and, before the middle of summer,
1572, the affairs of the queen were once more in a pros-
perous condition. Gordon had completely triumphed
in the north ;* her supporters were masters of the prin-
cipal city and the strongest fortress in the kingdom ;
they had been repeatedly supplied with money, arms,
and ammunition, by France and Spain, and of the
continued assistance of the latter at least had no reason
to despair.-f- They had defeated Lord Semple in the
west ; their arms under Fernyhirst had carried all
before them in the south; it was evident from her
long delays that the Queen of England had some
invincible repugnance to send any force to bombard
the castle of Edinburgh, and if she did they were in
want of nothing for their defence ; whilst their gar-
risons of Niddry, Livingston and Blackness, J amply
supplied them with provisions.
At this crisis Elizabeth, who looked with alarm upon
the increasing strength of her opponents, proposed an
abstinence for two months, preparatory, as she said,
to the conclusion of a general peace, on terms which
should secure the honour and safety of the queen's
supporters. The negotiations were managed by Sir
William Drury and the French ambassador De Croc,
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Lord Hunsdon, Restalrig, 9th
Tuly, 1572.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Randolph and Drury to Lord Hunsdon,
26th February, 1571-2. Also MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Mar to Burgh-
ley, April 30, 1572.
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury and Randolph to Hunsdon, 17th
April, 1572.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 307
whose services, from the league recently entered into
between France and England, were not so cordially
given to the captive queen as on former occasions. It
seems strange, that so able a statesman as Lethington,
and one so intimately acquainted with the duplicity
of the English queen, should on this occasion have been
prevailed upon to consent to a measure which ulti-
mately proved the ruin of his mistress's cause.* But
he and Grange had been branded by their opponents
as men of blood, who had obstinately refused to give
a breathing time to their bleeding and exhausted coun-
try, and to confute the aspersion they agreed to the
abstinence. It was signed on the thirtieth of July,
and contained an express provision, that, as soon as
might be, the nobility and Estates of the realm should
assemble to deliberate upon a general peace. On the
same day the truce was proclaimed in the capital, amid
the shouts and joy of the inhabitants, and the now
harmless thunder of the ordnance of the castle.
Having thus suffered themselves to be overreached
by their crafty opponents, Klrkaldy and Lethington
were not long allowed to be ignorant of their fatal
blunder. Mar the regent was indeed sincere, but he
was completely controlled by Morton. This ambitious
man now ruled the council at his will ; he successfully
thwarted every effort to assemble the Estates, or deli-
berate upon a general pacification; and, unfortunately
for Scotland, a calamity occurred at this moment which
struck all Europe with horror, and produced the most
fatal effects upon any negotiations with which Mary
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh castle, 13th July, 1572,
Lethington and Grange to my Lord Ambassador of England. MS. Letter,
State-paper Office, Drury to Burghley, Resterwick, (Restalrig,) 18th July,
1572. Ibid, copy of the time, 30th July, 1572 ; Abstinence of hostility,
signed by the Castilians.
308 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
and her supporters were connected.* This was the
massacre of St Bartholomew, an event exhibiting, in
dreadful reality, the result of Popish principles and
intrigue ; and which, though applauded in those dark
times, is now happily regarded alike by Romanists and
Protestants with unmingled feelings of execration and
disgust. Five hundred Protestant gentlemen and men
of rank, and about ten thousand of inferior condition,
were butchered in cold blood ; the greater part in the
capital of France, where the king himself, it was re-
ported, directed the assassins, looking from the windows
of his palace upon the miserable victims who fled from
their assailants.-f- In the provinces the same dreadful
scenes were repeated ; and when the news arrived in
England, communicated by Walsingham, Elizabetli's
ambassador at the court of Charles the Ninth, the
suddenness of the shock electrified the whole country.
Grief, pity, and indignation, shook the national mind
as if it had been that of one man. When Fenelon,
the French ambassador, presented himself at the palace,
he found the queen and the court clad in mourning.
He was received in silence ; the stillness of the grave,
as he himself described it, seemed to reign in the apart-
ments; the queen indeed endeavoured to preserve her
equanimity; and, although deeply sorrowful, received
him without complaint ; but the courtiers, fixing their
eyes on the ground, refused to notice his greeting.
Instead of a palace, he seemed to have entered a cham-
ber of death, where men were met to mourn for their
dearest friends. J
But sorrow and indignation were not the only, or
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir William Drury to Lord Burgh-
ley, 15th September, 157z.
-f Turner's Elizabeth, vol. iv. History of England, p. 322.
J Carte, vol. iii. p. 522. Lingard, vol. viii. pp. 113, 114.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. S09
even the strongest, feelings excited on this occasion in
the breast of Elizabeth. She had indeed recently
concluded a league with France ; yet this, though it
restrained the outward violence, did not diminish the
intensity of her feelings. Fears for her own life, and
terror for the result of those dark plots, which she had
already repeatedly detected and severely punished,
perpetually haunted her imagination, and shook even
her strong and masculine mind. Of these conspiracies
Mary was the centre ; she was engaged in a perpetual
correspondence with the court of Rome ; with France,
whose name could not now be uttered without calling
tip images of horror; with Spain, where Philip and
the Duke of Alva, men hated by the Protestants, had
recently lent her the most effectual assistance; and,
what was more alarming to Elizabeth than all, the
recent trial of Norfolk, and the confessions of the Bishop
of Ross, now a prisoner in the Tower, had convinced
her, that as long as the Scottish queen remained in
England, the minds of her Roman Catholic subjects
would be kept in perpetual agitation ; that no perma-
nent tranquillity could be reasonably expected, and
that, judging by the recent excesses in France, her own
life might not be secure.
It is impossible to blame such feelings or such con-
clusions. They were natural and inevitable; yet here
let it not be forgotten, that the terrors of the English
queen are to be traced to an act of flagrant injustice.
She had seized and imprisoned Mary, contrary to every
principle of the law of nations, to the promises she had
given, to the commonest feelings of humanity ; and
her present thorny anxieties for her life and crown were
a just retribution for such conduct: making, however,
every allowance for the fears of her council and her
VOL. VII. U
310 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
people, and the attachment of her great minister
Burghley, we are scarcely prepared for the calmness
with which the death of the Scottish queen was recom-
mended by the House of Commons, and strongly urged
by Cecil. Elizabeth, however, would not listen to their
arguments, and at last peremptorily put an end to their
consultations.* She had already publicly declared,
that there had been no sufficient evidence exhibited
against Mary by those who accused her of the death
of her husband ; and to bring her to trial in England,
or to cause her to be publicly put to death without
trial, would, she felt, be equally unjust and odious.
She accordingly contented herself, after the death of
Norfolk, with sending Lord de la Ware, Sir R. Sadler,
and Bromley her Solicitor-general, to interrogate the
Scottish queen regarding her political connexion with
that unfortunate man, and to remonstrate against any
continuation of her intrigues.-f- On this 1 occasion
Mary, although plunged in grief for the recent execu-
tion of the duke, was roused by the harshness of the
messengers to a spirited vindication of her rights as a
free princess. Some of the allegations she admitted,
some she palliated, others she peremptorily denied, and
the interview led, and was probably intended to lead,
to no definite result.
But if Elizabeth abandoned all thoughts of bringing
her royal prisoner to a public trial, and putting her to
death in England, it was only to embrace a more dark
* The English bishops, in answer to a question of Burghley's, had given
it as their opinion, that Elizabeth might lawfully put Mary to death, and
justified their sentence by reasons of Scripture taken from the Old Testa-
ment. See British Museum, Caligula, C. ii. fol. 524, and D'Ewes' Journal,
p. 507. Also Lingard, vol. viii. p. 106-108.
f Camden, p. 442. MS. State-paper Office, Papers of Mary queen of
Scots. The Lord De la Ware's and the rest of the commissioners' proceedings
with the Scottish queen, June llth, 1572. Also MS. draft by Cecil, State-
paper Office, Minute to the Scottish queen by the Lord De la Ware, &c.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 311
and secret expedient, and what she judged a surer
mode of getting rid of her hated and dangerous prisoner.
The plot was an extraordinary one, and its details,
upon which I now enter, are new to this part of our
history.
Previous to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and
after the failure of the negotiations for peace in Scot-
land, which were conducted by the French ambassador
De Croc, and Sir William Drury, Elizabeth had re-
solved to send a new envoy to that country, with the
object of watching over the English interests. When
the dreadful news arrived from France, Burghley and
Leicester pressed upon the English queen the necessity
of instant attention to her safety on the side of Scot-
land, and Mr Henry Killigrew was selected to proceed
thither. * He was instructed to negotiate both with
Mar the regent, and the opposite faction led by Leth-
ington and Grange ; to exhort both sides to observe
the late abstinence ; to give them the details of the
late horrible massacre, expressing the queen's convic-
tion that it was premeditated, and to implore them to
be on their guard.
Such was his public mission, but shortly before he
set out, Killigrew was informed that a far greater
matter was to be intrusted to his management, that it
was to be conducted with the utmost secrecy, and was
known to none but Elizabeth, Leicester, and Burgh-
ley.^ In an interview with the queen herself, to which
none were admitted but these two lords, he received
his instructions, which remain drawn up by Cecil in
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, copy, August, 1572, Instructions to
Henry Killigrew touching the troubles in Scotland, being sent thither after
the Great Murder that was in France.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley and Leicester,
November. 23, 1572.
312 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
his own hand.* It was explained to him, that it had
at last become absolutely necessary to execute the
Scottish queen, and that, unless the realm were de-
livered of her, the life of Elizabeth was no longer safe.
This might, indeed, be done in England, but for some
good respects, it was thought better that she should be
sent to Scotland, and delivered to the regent and his
party, " to proceed with her by way of justice."^ To
accomplish this must depend, it was said, upon his
skilful management. He must frame matters so, that
the offer must come from them, not from the English
queen. This would probably not be difficult, for they
had already many times before, under the former re-
gents, made proposals of this nature. If such an offer
were again made, he was now empowered to agree to it;
but it must be upon the most solemn assurance, that
she should be put to death without fail, and that neither
England nor Scotland should be endangered by her
hereafter: for otherwise, it was added, to have her and
to keep her, would be of all other ways the most danger-
ous.]: If, however, he could contrive it so that the
regent or Morton should secretly apply to some of the
lords of the English council, to have her given up, now
was the best time ; only, it was repeated, it must be
upon absolute surety that she should receive what she
deserved, and that no further peril could ever possibly
occur, either by her escape, or by setting her up again.
Murdin, p. 224.
f Dr Robertson notices the paper in Murdin, and severely condemns this
proposal of Elizabeth. This eminent writer interprets it, as if the queen
had desired the Scottish regent to bring Mary to a public trial, and, if con-
demnation followed, to execute her. It seems to me clear, however, that
the words, "proceed with her by way of justice,'''' when taken with the con-
text, can bear but one meaning, the same meaning in which Leicester em-
ploys the phrase, in his letter in the Proofs and Illustrations, No. IX., that of
executing her summarily and without delay. See Dr Lingard, voL viii. p.
118. J Murdin, p. 224.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 313
To make certain of this, hostages must be required by
him, and those, of the highest rank, that is to say,
children or near kinsfolk of the regent and the Earl
of Morton. Last of all, he was solemnly reminded
that the queen's name must not appear in the transac-
tion; and Elizabeth herself, in dismissing him, bade
him remember that none but Leicester, Burghley, and
himself, were privy to the great and delicate charge
which was now laid upon him, adding a caution, that
if it " came forth" or was ever known, he must answer
for it. To this, Killigrew replied, "that he would
keep the secret as he would his life ; " and immediately
set out on his journey. *
On entering Scotland, his first visit was to Tantal-
lon, Morton's castle, where that nobleman was confined
by sickness ; but the ambassador received from him the
strongest assurances of devotedness to the young king
his sovereign, and to Elizabeth, whose interests he
believed to be the same. Knox had returned again to
Edinburgh, and the recent news of the massacre in
France was producing the strongest excitement. On
repairing to Stirling to meet the regent, he passed
through the capital, and encountered there his old
friend Sir James Melvil, from whom he understood
something of the state of the Castilians,^ as the queen's
party were now called ; and, in his subsequent inter-
view with Mar, he found him expressing himself de-
cidedly against any intimate alliance with France, and
determined, so long as he had any hope of effectual
assistance from England, never to connect himself with
a foreign power. So far all was favourable, but it was
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley and Leicester,
November 23, 1572.
*h MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley and Leicester,
September 14, 1572.
314 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
evident to Killigrew, that, without additional forces,
which he well knew Elizabeth would be unwilling to
send, the regent could never make himself master of
the castle.
These, and similar particulars connected with his
public mission, he communicated, as he had been pre-
viously instructed, to the secretary of state ; but his
proceedings in the other great and secret matter touch-
ing Mary, were contained in letters addressed to Cecil
and Leicester jointly, and he appears to have lost no
time in entering upon it. He informed them in a
despatch on the nineteenth of September, that he had
already "dealt with a fit instrument, and expected
that the regent and the Earl of Morton would soon
break their minds unto him secretly."* The instru-
ment thus selected to manage the secret and speedy
execution of the unhappy Mary was Mr Nicholas
Elphinston, a dependant of the late Regent Moray,
and who, from an expression of Killigrew, appears to
have been on a former occasion employed in a similar
negotiation. Matters, however, were not expedited
with that rapidity which Burghley deemed necessary;
and this minister, although assured by his agent that
he could not for his life make more speed than he had
done, determined to urge him forward. For this pur-
pose he addressed to him a letter jointly from himself
and Leicester. In reading it as it still exists in the
original draft in Cecil's hand, with its erasures and cor-
rections, it is striking to remark the contrast between
its cold and measured style, and the cruel purpose
which it advocates. It was written from Windsor,
and ran thus :
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. foL 365, Killigrew to
Burghley, September 19, 1572.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 315
"After our hearty commendations, we two have
received your several letters directed to us, whereof
the last came this last night, being of the twenty-fourth
of September, and as we like well the comfort you
give us of the towardness in the special matter com-
mitted to you, so we do greatly long to receive from
you a further motion with some earnestness, and that
both moved to you and prosecuted by them of valour,
as we may look for assurance to have it take effect ;
for when all other ways come in consideration, none
appeareth more ready to be allowed here by the best,
than that which you have in hand. Wherefore we
earnestly require you to employ all your labours, to
procure that it may be both earnestly and speedily
followed there, and yet also secretly as the cause re-
quireth : and when we think of the matter, as daily,
yea hourly, we have cause to do, we see not but the
same reasons that may more us to desire that it take
effect, ought also to move them, and in some part the
more, considering both their private sureties, their
common estate, and the continuance of the religion;
all which three points are in more danger from [for]
them to uphold than for us. The causes thereof we
doubt not, but you can enlarge to them, if you see that
they do not sufficiently foresee them. We suspend all
our actions only upon this, and, therefore, you can do
no greater service than to use speed.
" Your loving friends,
"W. BURGHLEY."*
"From Windsor, the 29th of Sept. 1572."
In the interval between this letter and Killigrew's
last despatch, the English envoy had not been idle.
He had assured himself of Morton's cordial co-operation
* MS. British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 394. This letter being a first
draft by Cecil, is signed only by him.
S16 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572-
in the scheme for having Mary secretly executed; and,
according to the instructions received from his own
court, he had availed himself of the deep and general
horror occasioned by the late murders in France to
excite animosity against the Papists, and to convince
all ranks, that without the most determined measures
of defence, their lives and their religion would fall a
sacrifice to the fury of their enemies.* He also had
seen and consulted with Knox, who, although so feeble
that he could scarce stand alone, was as entire in intel-
lect and resolute in action as ever. The picture given
of this extraordinary man by Killigrew, in a letter
addressed to Cecil and Leicester, written on the sixth
of October, in reply to theirs of the twenty -ninth of
September, is very striking. " I trust," said he, " to
satisfy Morton, and as for John Knox, that thing, you
may see by my despatch to Mr Secretary, is done, and
doing daily ; the people in general well bent to Eng-
land, abhorring the fact in France, and fearing their
tyranny. John Knox (he continued) is now so feeble
as scarce can he stand alone, or speak to be heard of
any audience; yet doth he every Sunday cause himself
to be carried to a place, where a certain number do
hear him, and preacheth with the same vehemency and
zeal that ever he did. He doth reverence your lord-
ship much, and willed me once again to send you word,
that he thanked God he had obtained at his hands,
that the gospel of Jesus Christ is truly and simply
preached through Scotland, which doth so comfort him,
as now he desireth to be out of this miserable life. He
further said, that it was not of your lordship's^ that
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, Sept. 29, 1572. Killigrew
to Burghleyand Leicester.
f The meaning is, I think, "that it was from no fault of your lordship's :"
that is, of Burghlej.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 317
he was not a great bishop in England ; but the effect
grown in Scotland, he being an instrument, doth much
more satisfy him. He desired me to make his last
commendations most humbly unto your lordship, and
withal, that he prayed God to increase his strong spirit
in you, saying, that there was never more need."*
It was, no doubt, by Knox?s advice that proclama-
tion was made on the third of October for a convention
of the "professors of the true religion," to consult upon
the dangers resulting from the conspiracies of the Pa-
pists. To the sheet on which it was printed, there
were added certain heads or articles, said to be extracts
from the secret contract between the pope, the emper-
or, and the Kings of Spain and Portugal, for the
extirpation of the Protestant faith ; -f- and Killigrew
believed that all these preliminaries would prepare the
mind of the people for any extremities that might be
used against their unhappy sovereign.
Meanwhile, his tool, the Abbot of Dunfermline, was
secretly trafficking with Morton and the regent, and so
far succeeded, that on the nin^h of October a conference
on the proposed execution of Mary was held at Dalkeith,
in Morton's bed-chamber, he being still confined by
sickness. None were present but the Regent Mar,
and Killigrew, who immediately communicated the
result to Cecil and Leicester in the following letter :
"My singular good lords What has past here
since my last, touching the common cause, I have writ-
ten to Mr Secretary at length.
" Now for the great matter ye wot of. At my being
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 370, 6th Oct., Killi-
grew to Burghley and Leicester.
) Broadside, State-paper Office, entitled "Proclamation for a convention
of the professors of the true religion." October 3, 1572 ; printed by Lek-
previk, at St Andrew's, A.D. 15/2.
318 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
at Dalkeith with my Lord Regent's grace, the Earl of
Morton and he had conference, and both willing to do
the thing you most desire ; howbeit, I could have no
answer there, but that both thought it the only way
and the best way to end all troubles, as it were, in
both realms. They told me, notwithstanding, the
matter was dangerous, and might come so to pass, as
they should draw war upon their heads ; and in that
case, or rather to stop that peril, they would desire her
majesty should enter in league defensive, comprehend-
ing therein the cause of religion also.
" We came (he continued) to nearer terms, to wit,
that her majesty should, for a certain time, pay the
sum that her highness bestoweth for the keeping of
her in England, to the preservation of this crown, and
take the protection of the young king. All this I
heard, and said, if they thought it not profitable for
them, and that if they meant not to will me to write
earnestly as their desire, I would not move my pen
for the matter; whereat the Earl of Morton raised
himself in his bed, and said, that both my Lord Regent
and he did desire it, as a sovereign salve for all their
sores : howbeit, it could not be done without some man-
ner of ceremony, and a kind of process, whereunto the
noblemen must be called after a secret manner, and
the clergy likewise, which would ask some time. Also,
that it would be requisite her majesty should send such
a convoy with the party, that in case there were people
would not like of it, they might be able to keep the field;
adding farther, that if they can bring the nobility to
consent, as they hope they shall, they will not keep the
prisoner three hours alive, after he come into the
bounds of Scotland.* But I, leaving of these devices,
* Sic in original.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 319
desired to know, indeed, what they would have me
write ; and it was answered, that I should know farther
of my Lord Regent's grace here. So, as this morning,
a little before dinner, going to take my leave of him,
as he was going towards Stirling, he told me, touching
that matter, which was communed upon at Dalkeith,
he found it very good, and the best remedy for all
diseases, and willed me so to write unto your honours;
nevertheless, that it was of great weight, and therefore
he would advise him of the form and manner how it
might best be brought to pass, and that known, he
would confer more at length with me in the same.
Thus took I my leave of him, and find him, indeed,
more cold than Morton, and yet seemed glad and de-
sirous to have it come to pass. 1 "*
Killigrew proceeded to say, in the same letter, that
some were of opinion the queen could not be executed
without the meeting of parliament, which might be
called suddenly, and under pretence of some other busi-
ness. The reason assigned was, that the Scottish queen
had only been condemned as worthy of deposition on
the ground of her accession to the murder of her hus-
band; she had not yet been judged to die.-f- This
proposition met with no encouragement from the Eng-
lish envoy; a clear proof that a secret and speedy
death was the object desired by Elizabeth. The pro-
posal was, as he hinted, an excuse to delay time, and
to agree to it, would have been to act contrary to his
instructions. The conclusion of his letter I must give
in his own words :
" Although there be, that do assure me that the
* MS. Letter, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 373, 374, Killigrew to Burghley and
Leicester, 9th October, 1572.
t MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 374, 375, Killigrew
to Lords Burghley and Leicester, October 9, 1572.
320 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
regent hath, after a sort, moved this matter to nine of
the best of their party, to wit, that it were fit to make
a humble request to the queen's majesty, to have hither
the cause of all their troubles and to do, etc., who have
consented to him, and that I am also borne in hand,
that both he and the Earl of Morton do, by all dexterity,
proceed in the furtherance thereof, yet can I not assure
myself of anything, because I see them so inconstant,
so divided * * *. I am also told, that the hostages
have been talked of, and that they shall be delivered
to our men upon the fields, and the matter despatched
within four hours, so -as they shall not need to tarry
long in our hands ; but I like not their manner of
dealing, and therefore leave it to your wisdom to con-
sider if you will have me continue to give ear, and
advertise [if] I shall : if not, I pray your lordships let
me be called hence."" *
In this last sentence it is impossible not to see that
the emphatic "to do, et cetera; 11 the delivery of the
Scottish hostages for the performance of the agreement
upon the fields ; and the " despatching the matter, 11
that is, having the queen put to death, " within four
hours; 11 all show that both the regent and Morton
had given their full consent to the proposal. Measures
were to be taken to have the sentence pronounced, (if,
indeed, any ceremony of a sentence was seriously con-
templated,) and the execution hurried over with the
utmost expedition and economy ; and the only cause
of delay on the part of the regent and his brother earl,
was the selfish wish of making the most profit of this
cruel bargain.
Four days after this, on the thirteenth of October,
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 375, KUligrew to
Burghley and Leicester, October 9, 1572.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR; 321
Killigrew sent another secret packet to Leicester and
Burghley. He had again been at Dalkeith, and found
not only Morton " very hot and earnestly bent in the
matter," but " the two ministers" equally eager in the
business. From the cautious manner in which the
English envoy wrote, the names* of these two ministers
are suppressed, and in such a case conjecture is un-
satisfactory. We know that Mr Nicholas Elphinston,
and Pitcairn the Abbot of Dunfermline, were the in-
struments, already employed by Morton and Killigrew
in this dark negotiation, and it is possible that they
are here meant. Two other facts also are certain, from
a letter of the English envoy: the one that Cecil had
enjoined him to avail himself of the co-operation of the
Kirk in accomplishing the objects of his negotiation;
the other, that he had already consulted John Knox,
who, even in " extreme debility," and as he describes
it, " with one foot in the grave," was in mind as active
as ever. From a letter already quoted, we have seen
his convictions of Mary's guilt, and wishes for her
execution ; he may, therefore, have been one of the
ministers to whom allusion was made. But this is
speculation ; and, after all, it might be argued, that
from the words of Killigrew, the matter he spoke of
to Knox was not the execution of Mary, as the former
private interview may have solely related to the best
method of exciting the people against France and the
Catholic faction in Scotland.
However this may be, the English ambassador was
informed by Morton, that if Mar showed coldness,
or delayed to execute the matter, it should be done
without him ; and he added, that as he was Lieu-
tenant-general of the whole kingdom on this side Tay,
322 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
he had power to carry it into execution.* He hinted,
however, that if Elizabeth hoped to gain this great
object, she must be more cordial in her support, and
more generous in her advances. Her refusal to assist
them, and her coldness, had already, he said, alienated
some hearts, though not his. To this, Killigrew shrewd-
ly replied, that if Morton could, at this moment, have
given some good assurance that Mary should be exe-
cuted, or, as he expressed it in his dark language, for
the performance " of the great matter" then he might
safely reckon on the Queen of England for the satisfy-
ing his desires : but he must recollect, that its accom-
plishment was the sole ground on which a defensive
league between the two countries could be negotiated.
Without it " a man could promise nothing. "}
From the ambassador's next letter, however, any
anticipated coldness or disinclination on the part of
Mar appears to have entirely vanished. It was written
from Stirling, and informed Burghley and Leicester,
that the regent, after some general observations on the
subject of the peace, began to speak, "touching the
great matter, wherein,"" said he, " I found him very
earnest." "He had sent," he said, "his resolute mind
to the Lord Morton by the abbot, and desired him
(Killigrew) to write speedily to Burghley and Leices-
ter, that they might further the same by all possible
means, as the only salve for the cure of the great sores
of the commonwealth.'" " I perceive," added Killigrew,
" that the regent's first coldness grew rather for want
of skill how to compass so great a matter, than for lack
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. foL 376, Killigrew to
Burghlev and Leicester, 13th October, 1572.
f Ibid.
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 323
of good will to execute the same. He desired me also
to write unto your honours to be suitors unto your
majesty for some relief of money towards the payment
of his soldiers. 1 '*
It is very striking, that in the midst of these dark
practices, and when he had not only consented to
Mary's death, but pressed that it should be speedy,
Mar was himself struck with mortal sickness, and died
at Stirling, (on the twenty-eighth of October,) within
ten days after his interview with the English ambas-
sador.'f* Previous to this event, however, he and
Morton had sent to Killigrew by the Abbot of Dun-
fermline, the conditions on which they were ready to
rid Elizabeth of her rival. They stipulated that the
Queen of England should take the young king their
sovereign under her protection ; they demanded a
declaration from the English parliament, that his
rights should not be prejudged by any sentence or
process against his mother ; they required that there
should be a defensive league between England and
Scotland: and that the Earls of Huntingdon, Bedford,
or Essex, accompanied with two or three thousand of
her-majesty's men of war, should assist at the execution.
These troops were afterwards to join the young king's
forces in reducing the castle of Edinburgh. This for-
tress, when recovered from the enemy, was to be de-
livered to the regent, and all arrears then due to the
Scottish forces were to be paid by England.
With these conditions Killigrew was grievously
disappointed. He instantly, however, sent them by
Captain Arrington, a confidential messenger, to Burgh-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley and Leicester,
19th October, 1572, Stirling.
t See Proofs and Illustrations, No. XI., Letter of Killigrew on the death
of Mar.
324 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572
ley, accompanied by a letter, in which he mentioned
Mar's extreme danger, but gave some little hope of life.
At the moment, however, when this was written at
Edinburgh, the regent had expired at Stirling, and
Burghley received the account of his death, and the
" Articles of agreement, touching the great matter,"
almost at the same instant. Although commonly
of a calm and collected temper, his agitation on the
present occasion seems to have been extreme. The
articles themselves were such as he had little expected
the price of blood demanded by the Scottish earls was
unreasonably high; and he felt indignant at Killigrew,
that he should ever have received such proposals. But,
even if it had not been so, the death of Mar rendered
it impossible to carry them into execution with the
speed the necessity required ; and he immediately
wrote to Leicester, informing him of the total failure
of their Scottish project, and emphatically remarking,
that the queen must how fall back upon her last re-
source for the safety of herself and her kingdom . What
this was, he shrunk from stating in express words ; but
he knew that Leicester could supply them, and there
is not the slightest doubt that he alluded to the exe-
cution of Mary in England. His letter, however, is
too characteristic to be omitted*. It is wholly in his
own hand.
" My Lord, This bearer came to me an hour and-
a-h[alf] after your departure. The letters .which he
brought me are here included. I now see the queen's
majesty hath no surety but as she hath been counselled,
for this way that was meant for dealing with Scotland
is, you may see, neither now possible, nor was by their
articles made reasonable. If her majesty will continue
her delays, for providing for her own surety by just
1572. REGENCY OF MAR. 325
means given to her by God, she and we all shall vainly
call upon God when the calamity shall fall upon us.
God send her majesty strength of spirit to preserve
God's cause, her own life, and the lives of millions of
good subjects, all which are most manifestly in danger,
and that only by her delays : and so consequently she
shall be the cause of the overthrow of a noble crown
and realm, which shall be a prey to all that can invade
it. God be merciful to us."*
Thus was Burghley and Leicester's project for Mary's
secret execution by the hands of her own subjects de-
stroyed by the death of Mar, at the moment he had
consented to it ; and the scheme which these cruel and
unscrupulous politicians conceived themselves to have
so deeply laid, on which they pondered, as Cecil owned,
" daily and almost hourly," entirely discomfited and
cast to the winds.
Mary in the meantime was herself unconscious of
the danger she had escaped ; and indeed it is worthy
of observation, that so well had the English ambassador
kept his counsel, and so true were the conspirators to
their secret, that after a concealment of nearly three
centuries, these dark intrigues, with all their ramifica-
tions, have now for the first time been made a portion
of our national history .-f* Another base transaction
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iii. fol. 386, Burghley to
Leicester, 3d November, 1572.
t Dr Robertson not having access to the State-paper Office, had not seen
the letters of Killigrew and Burghley, which unveil this part of Mary's his-
tory. He consequently falls into the error of stating, that Mar, from his
honourable feelings, instantly rejected Killigrew's proposal of bringing Mary
to her trial in Scotland, pronouncing her guilty, and executing her. All
subsequent historians, amongst the rest the acute and learned Lingard, have
been misled by this view of the transaction. Killigrew's and Burghley's
Letters have at length given us the truth. No trial, it appears to me, was
ever contemplated ; although, to use Morton's words, " a kind of process"
was to be used after a secret manner, (supra, p. 31 8 ;) and Mar, though at
first cold in the matter, at last, gave his full consent to Mary's being put to
death as speedily and secretly as possible.
VOL. VIL X
326
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
1572.
stains the history of this year. During Morton's exile
in England the Earl of Northumberland had been his
kindest friend : Northumberland himself was now a
captive in Scotland, under the charge of Morton ; but,
instead of a return of benefits, this base and avaricious
man sold his unhappy prisoner to Elizabeth, who
shortly after had him executed at York. *
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Hunsdon to Burghley, 1st May, 1572.
Ibid. Mar to Hunsdon, 23d May, 1572. Also Ibid. Hunsdon to Burghley,
'29th May, 1572. Camden, p. 445. Gonzalez, p. 376.
1572. REGENCY OF MORTON. 327
CHAP. V.
REGENCY OF MORTON.
15721574.
CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS.
^England. 1 France. I Germany. I Spain. I Portugal. I Popet.
Elizabeth. | Charles IX. | Maximilian U. | Philip II. I Sebastian. I Gregory XIIL
THE death of Mar, over which there hung some sus-
picion of poison, threw Killigrew, the English ambas-
sador, into much perplexity;* and Burghley, who had
received the news as early as the third of November,
wrote on that day to Walsingfram, the English am-
bassador at the French court, in much anxiety. "The
twenty-eighth of the last," said he, " the good Regent
of Scotland is dead, as I think by a natural sickness,
and yet the certainty is not known. This will make
our causes the worse in Scotland, for I fear the con-
veyance away of the king; and yet there is care taken
for his surety; but I can almost hope for no good, seeing
our evils fall by heaps, and why the heaps fall not upon
ourselves personally, I see no cause to the let thereof
in ourselves. God be merciful to us. * *""f"
Elizabeth, who felt the importance of the event, and
* MS. Letter, Caligula, B. viii. fol. 302, Killigrew to Leicester, begun. 28th
October, finished 31st October, 1572.
f MS. Letter, Vespasian, F. vi.fol. 181 d. Burghley to Walsingham, 3d
November, 1572.
328 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3572.
dreaded the success of French money and intrigues in
Scotland, lost not a moment in taking measures to
preserve her party. She wrote to the Countess of
Mar, recommending her to watch over the safety of
the young prince, her dear relative, in whose welfare
she took the deepest interest; and she sent a flattering
letter to the Earl of Morton, in which, with unusual
condescension, she addressed him as if already regent,
calling him her well-beloved cousin, commending the
wisdom with which he had governed himself in times
past in seasons of great difficulty, and expressing her
hope that he and the nobility would take measures for
the safety of the young king, and the repose of the
realm. For more particulars she referred him to
Killigrew, her ambassador; and alluding to the neces-
sity of appointing a new regent, trusted that the election
would not disturb the quiet of the country. *
These were politic s.teps, as Morton was undoubtedly
at this time the most able and powerful of the nobility.
Even under Mar he had regulated every public mea-
sure; and when it was certain that the regent was on
his death-bed, the whole administration of affairs seems
naturally to have devolved on him.-f- He was sup-
ported by the great majority of the nobles, by the
influential party of the Church, and by the friendship
of England. Against such influence the Castilians
and their friends could do little ; and, after a feeble
opposition, he was chosen regent in a parliament held
at Edinburgh on the twenty-fourth of November, and
proclaimed next day with the usual solemnity. J
* Copy, State- paper Office, 4th November, 1572, Elizabeth to Morton.
t MS. Letter, Caligula, B. viii. fol. 300. Killigrew to Burghley, and
Leicester, 29th October, 1572.
Copy, State-paper Office, Killigrew to the Queen, 2d December, 1572
See MS. State-paper Office, 19th November, 1572, Noblemen, and others,
met at the convention in Edinburgh.
1572. REGENCY OF MORTON. 329
At this parliament Elizabeth's letters to the Scottish
nobilit y were publicly read ; and although these were
not so decided in their language as her partisans had
desired, there can be little doubt that the knowledge
of her favour to Morton produced the greatest influence.
On in forming his royal mistress and her minister Burgh-
ley of the late events, Killigrew earnestly advised
some more effectual assistance to be sent to the new
regent. He had in vain endeavoured to induce the
two factions to refer their controversies to Elizabeth.
The Castilians were still confident in the strength of
their fortress, and looked to speedy aid from France ;
Morton on the other hand, although he admitted the
desirableness of peace, had invariably asserted, that to
storm the castle and utterly subdue the king's enemies
would be the only means to establish a firm government,
and restore security alike to Scotland and England.
But it was evident that this could not be done without
some effectual assistance. The regent and the nobles
were too poor to maintain any sufficient body of troops
on their own resources, and the danger seemed to be,
that if not supported by Elizabeth, they would look to
France.
"This regent," said Killigrew, in his letter to Burgh-
ley, " is a shrewd fellow, and I fear little Douglas be
not come home out of France without some offers to
him among others; howbeit, hitherto I can perceive
nothing at all, for he assureth me still to run the
course of England as much as ever regent did. Not-
withstanding I see not how he can make war till the
parliament be ended, though he had aid of money, and
that for two reasons : the one, the parliament is ap-
pointed in this town, which cannot well be holden,
because of the castle, if it were war, and the parliament
330 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
must of necessity be holden for many weighty reasons;
the other is the regent's indisposition, as he is not like
to travel for a month or two, but rather to keep his
bed or chamber under the surgeon's care for a disease
that hath much troubled him this five or six years. 1 '*
A few days after the despatch of this letter, Killi-
grew made a rapid journey to Berwick to hold a con-
ference with Sir William Drury on Scottish matters,
and obtain his advice and assistance. He was recalled
suddenly, however, to Edinburgh, by a report of Mor-
ton's extreme danger, but found him much recovered,
and soon after had the satisfaction of receiving an
assurance from England, that the queen had determined
to give effective support to the new regent both in
money and troops.^ Of the money, part was instantly
paid down, and, by Elizabeth's directions, two skilful
engineers, Johnson and Fleming, repaired to Edin-
burgh and examined the strength of the castle. They
reported that, with a proper force and battering trains
it might be taken in twenty days, and it was resolved,
as soon as the season of the year permitted, to begin
the siege.
It was in the midst of these transactions, and on the
very day on which Morton was chosen regent, that
the celebrated reformer Knox died, in his house at
Edinburgh. J He was scarcely to be called an aged
man, not having completed his sixty-seventh year, but
his life had been an incessant scene of theological and
o
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, December 10,
1572, Edinburgh.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir William Drury to Burghley,
21st December, 1572. Great secrecy was to be used in the delivery of the
money to Morton. The sum was 2500, to be defrayed in extraordinary
causes. Original, State-paper Office, B.C., Sir Valentine Brown to Iord
Burghley, 2Gth December, 1572.
Bunnatyne's Memorials, p. 280.
1572. REGENCY OF MORTON. 331
political warfare, and his ardent and restless intellect
had worn out a frame which at no period had been a
strong one.
There is perhaps no juster test of a great man, than
the impression which he has left, or the changes he has
wrought upon his age ; and, under this view, none is
more entitled to this appellation than Knox, who has
been deservedly regarded as the father of the Refor-
mation in Scotland. The history of his life is indeed
little else than the history of this great religious revolu-
tion ; and none can deny him the praise of courage,
integrity, and indefatigable exertion in proclaiming
that system of truth which he believed to be founded
upon the Word of God. To this he was faithful to
the last ; and although it appears to me, that on many
occasions he acted upon the principle, (so manifestly
erroneous and anti-Christian,) that the end justified the
means, on no one occasion do we find him influenced
by selfish or venal motives. In this respect he stands
alone, and pre-eminent over all the men with whom
he laboured. To extirpate a syt>tem which in its every
part he believed to be false and idolatrous, and to re-
place it by another of which he was as firmly persuaded
that it was the work of God, seem to have been the
master passion of his mind. In the accomplishment of
this, none who has studied the history of the times, or
his own writings, will deny that he was often fierce,
unrelenting, and unscrupulous ; but he was also disin-
terested, upright, and sincere. He neither feared nor
flattered the great ; the pomp of the mitre or the
revenues of the wealthiest diocese had no attractions in
his eyes ; and there cannot be a doubt of his sincer-
ity, when, in his last message to his old and long-tried
friend Lord Burghley, he assured him that he counted
332 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
it higher honour to have been made the instrument
that the Gospel was simply and truly preached in his
native country, than to have been the highest prelate
in England.
During his last illness, his time was wholly occupied
in offices of devotion, and in receiving the visits of a
few religious friends, who affectionately assisted his
family in the attendance which his feeble and helpless
condition required. A few days before his death, he
sent for Mr David Lindsay, Mr James Lawson, and
the elders and deacons of the church,* and raising
himself in his bed, addressed them in these solemn
words : " The time is approaching for which I have
long thirsted, wherein I shall be relieved of all cares,
and be with my Saviour Christ for ever. And now
God is my witness, whom I have served with my spirit
in the Gospel of his Son, that I have taught nothing
but the true and solid doctrine of the Gospel ; and that
the end I proposed in all my preaching, was to instruct
the ignorant, to confirm the weak, to comfort the con-
sciences of those who were humbled under the sense
of their sins, and bear down, with the threatenings of
God's judgments, such as were proud and rebellious.
I am not ignorant that many have blamed, and yet
do blame, my too great rigour and severity ; but God
knows, that in my heart I never hated the persons of
those against whom I thundered God's judgments. 1
did only hate their sins, and laboured at all my power
to gain them to Christ. That I forbore none of what-
soever condition, I did it out of the fear of my God,
who had placed me in the function of the ministry, and
1 knew would bring me to an account. Now, brethren,
* Bannatyne's Memorials, pp. 264, 283.
1572. REGENCY OF MORTON. 333
for yourselves, I have no more to say, but that you
take heed to the flock over whom God hath placed you
overseers, and whom he hath redeemed by the blood of
his only begotten son. And you, Mr Lawson, [this
was his successor,] fight a good fight. Do the work
of the Lord with courage and with a willing mind, and
God from above bless you and the church whereof you
have the charge. Against it, so long as it continueth
in the doctrine of truth, the gates of hell shall not
prevail." *
During his illness, he continued to exhibit all his
wonted interest in public affairs, often bewailed the
defection of Grange, one of his oldest friends, and sent
a message to him which at the time was regarded as
almost prophetic. "Go,"" said he, addressing Lindsay
the minister of Leith, " to yonder man in the castle,
whom you know I have loved so dearly, and tell him
that I have sent you yet once more to warn him, in
the name of God, to leave that evil cause. * * *
Neither the craggy rock in which he miserably confides,
nor the carnal prudence of that man [meaning the se-
cretary Lethington] whom he esteems a demi-gpd, nor
the assistance of strangers shall preserve him; but he
shall be disgracefully dragged from his nest to punish-
ment, and hung on a gallows against the face of the
sun, unless he speedily amend his life and flee to the
mercy of God."^
It appears to me, that in this and other similar
predictions, the dying Reformer, who was not only
intimately acquainted with, but personally engaged in
the secret correspondence between his party and Eng-
land, availed himself of this knowledge to fulminate
* Spottiswood, pp. 265, 266. Bannatyne's Memorials, p. 283.
f M'Crie's Life, by Crichton, pp. 300, 302. MelviTs Diary, p. 27.
334 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572.
his threats and warnings, which he knew the advance
of the English army was so soon likely to fulfil.
During this time his weakness rapidly increased, and
on Friday the twenty-first of November he desired his
coffin to be made. The succeeding Saturday and Sun-
day were spent by him almost uninterruptedly in
meditation and prayer, in pious ejaculations, and ear-
nest advices addressed to his family and friends. On
Monday the twenty-fourth these sacred exercises were
resumed till he was exhausted and fell into a slumber,
from which he awoke to have the evening prayers read
to him. " About eleven o'clock (I use the words of
his excellent biographer) he gave a deep sigh, and said,
' Now, it is come ; ' upon which Richard Bannatyne, his
faithful servant and secretary, drew near, and desired
him to think of those comfortable promises of our
Saviour Christ which he had so often declared to
others ; and perceiving that he was speechless, requested
him to give them a sign that he heard them, and died
in peace. Upon this he lifted up one of his hands, and
sighing twice, expired without a struggle. 1 "* The
Reformer was twice married. By his first wife, Mrs
Marjory Bowes, he left two sons, Nathanael and
Eleazar, who were educated in England, and both died
without issue : it is remarkable that Eleazar entered
the English Church. By his second marriage with
Margaret Stewart the daughter of Lord Ochiltree, he
left three daughters, Martha, Margaret, and Elizabeth,
all of whom married, but the research of his able bio-
grapher has not detected any descendants. {
The death of Knox was followed by the complete
recovery of Morton and the renewal of the war after a
* M'Crie's Life, by Cricht^, p. 309. Bannatyne, p. 289.
f Life of Knox, pp. 326, 327.
1572. REGENCY OF MORTON. 335
vain attempt to prolong the abstinence.* But although
hostilities recommenced, a parliament assembled in the
capital, the house where it met being protected from
the fire of the castle by a bulwark; and in this, after
the election of the regent had been confirmed by the
three Estates, all measures adopted since the coronation
of the young king were ratified, and every proceeding
conducted in the name of the captive queen declared
invalid and treasonable. Measures also were taken to
urge forward a reconciliation between the regent and
such of the nobility as had not yet acceded to his
government. Of these the greatest were the Duke of
Chastelherault, the whole of the Hamiltons, Argyle,
Huntley, and his gallant brother Sir Adam Gordon,
who still maintained his ascendancy in the north.
With a view to facilitate an accommodation, it was
secretly resolved, that for the present no inquiry into
the murder of the late king should take place, nor any
prosecution be instituted against such persons as were
suspected of this crime. The regentwas also empowered
to pardon all persons accessary to the death of the Earl
of Lennox.
The object of all this was quite apparent. Morton
himself, Huntley, Argyle, and Sir James Balfour,
(who had lately deserted his friends in the castle,)
were all of them -concerned in the murder of Darnley;
whilst the assassination of Lennox the late regent was
as certainly the work of the Hamiltons. Any resolu-
tion to prosecute the perpetrators of either crime must
have at once put an end to the hopes of a reconciliation,
and it was determined for the present to say and do
nothing upon either subject. *f*
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Jan. 1, 1572-3, Killigrew to Burghley.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Jan. 26, 1572-3. Notes and titles of Acts
as were passed in the parliament began at Edinburgh, Jan. 15, 1572.
336 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572-3.
During the first sitting of the parliament Killigrew
was absent at Berwick, whither he had gone for the
purpose of consulting with Sir William Drury and
expediting the preparations for the approaching siege
of the castle. Before his departure, however, he had
a meeting with Nicholas Elphinston on the "great
matter," or, to speak more plainly, the secret project
for having Mary executed a subject which, although
interrupted by Mar's decease, appears to have been
resumed on the election of Morton. It seemed, how-
ever, that this dark design of Elizabeth, by which she
hoped to rid herself of her enemy without her hand
appearing in the transaction, was invariably destined
to be thwarted. We have just seen, that, for the
security of Huntley, Argyle, and the regent himself,
it had been resolved to accuse no person of the murder,
and the same prudent considerations made it expedient,
at this moment, to say and do nothing against the
queen. In a letter addressed at this time by Elphin-
ston to Killigrew, this is clearly explained. " The
other matter,"" said he, " I doubt not, you know per-
fectly well, cannot nor may not at this time be touched,
because presently the murder may not be spoken of,
seeing some suspected thereof to be in terms of ap-
pointment, as I shall at meeting cause you more clearly
to understand ; but of this matter I trust hereafter
shortly to see a good beginning."*
In this parliament a conference took place between
the Kirk and certain commissioners appointed by the
three Estates, in which an important ecclesiastical
measure was carried. This was the confirmation of
that order for the election of bishops, which had been
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, N. Elphinston to Killigrew, January
17, 1572-3.
1572-3. REGENCY OF MORTON 337
drawn up in the Book of Discipline, devised at Leith
many years before. The change amounted to nothing
less than the establishment of Episcopacy in the Scot-
tish Church. It was decided, that the title and office of
archbishop and bishop should be continued as in the time
which preceded the Reformation, and that a spiritual
jurisdiction should be exercised by the bishops in their
respective dioceses. It was determined that all abbots,
priors, and other inferior prelates who were presented to
benefices, should be tried by the bishop or superinten-
dent of the diocese concerning their fitness to represent
the Church in parliament, and that to such bishopricks
as were presently void, or which should become vacant,
the king and regent should take care to recommend
qualified persons, whose election should be made by
the chapters of their cathedral churches. It was also
ordered, that all benefices with cure under prelacies
should be disposed of to ministers, who should receive
ordination from the bishop of the diocese upon their
taking an oath to recognise tb*> authority of the king,
and to pay canonical obedience to their ordinary. *
In the midst of these proceedings Killigrew returned
to Edinburgh, and on the succeeding day was admitted
to an audience of the parliament. The message which
he delivered, and the assurances he conveyed of the
determination of his royal mistress to protect the young
* Spottiswood, p. 260. Mr David Lindsay, a minister and commissioner,
communicated these important measures to Killigrew in a letter written
during the sitting of the Conference, and when the guns of the castle were
thundering in their ears. Its concluding sentence is worthy of notice, as it
seems to show that Killigrew had still in view such measures as he judged
necessary for the prosecution of the "great matter" confided to him. " The
article which your lordship desired me to remember, touching the murder,
is not like to pass, lest it should hold back some that are willing to come to
composition. I cannot tell how long the parliament shall last, but I suppose
all will be ended this next Wednesday at the farthest. This day the castle
has declared their ill will with great shooting and. little harm." * * *
MS. Letter, State-paper Office, David Lindsay to Mr Killigrew, Leith, IGtb.
January, 157'2-3.
338 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572-3.
king and support the government of the regent, pro-
duced an immediate effect, and a convention for a
general pacification was soon after held at Perth, be-
tween commissioners appointed by the regent on the
one side, and Huntley and the Lord of Arbroath as the
representative of the Duke of Chastelherault on the
other. It was attended by the English ambassador,
in whose lodging the conferences took place, and who
exerted himself so successfully to compose all subjects
of difference, that at last a complete reconciliation was
effected. "And now," said the successful diplomatist
to Lord Burghley, " there remaineth but the castle to
make the king universally obeyed, and this realm united,
which, peradventure, may be done without force after
the accord ; notwithstanding, in my simple opinion,
which I submit unto your honour's wisdom, it standeth
with more reason and policy for her majesty to hasten
the aid rather now than before this conference. I mean,
so that it may be ready, if need require, to execute
otherwise not." *
At this moment, the fortunes of the Castilians (so
Grange and the queen's party were called) seemed
reduced to the lowest ebb, and disaster after disaster
threatened to bring total ruin upon their cause. Verac,
who had been commissioned to bring them relief from
the French king, was driven by a tempest into Scar-
borough, and detained in England. Sir James Kirk-
aldy, Grange's brother, who had landed at the castle
of Blackness, with a large supply of money, arms, and
military stores, was betrayed and seized : whilst the
castle itself fell into the hands of the regent : + the
example of Huntley and the Hamilton's, in acceding
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 18th Feb., 1572, Killigrew to Burghley.
f* Historic of James the Sext, p. 127. It was betrayed to the enemy bj
the treachery of the wife of Sir James Kirkaldy.
1572-3. REGENCY OF MORTON. 339
to the king's authority, was speedily followed by the
submission of the Lords Gray, Oliphant, the Sheriff
of Ayr, and the Lairds of Buccleugh and Johnston ;
whilst in the north Huntley undertook to bring over
to terms his gallant brother, Sir Adam Gordon, who,
during the conferences at Perth, had surprised and
routed the kinsfs adherents at Aberdeen. With this
O
view the indefatigable Killigrew had hurried from
Perth to the capital, where he obtained the regent's
signature to the articles of pacification.*
Even, under all these gloomy appearances, the spirit
of Grange was unbroken, and the resources of Lething-
ton undiminished. A long experience of the parsimony
of Elizabeth had persuaded them that she would never
submit to the expense of sending an army and a bat-
tering train into Scotland. They looked with confi-
dence to the arrival of assistance from France, and
trusted that, even if long delayed, the strength of their
walls would still bid defiance to the enemy. -J-
For a brief season these sanguine anticipations seemed
to be realized ; and the Queen of England, at the mo-
ment when Burghley imagined he had convinced her
of the necessity of sending her forces into Scotland,
began to waver. She dreaded bringing on a war with
France ; represented to her council the great expense
and hazard of the siege ; and asserted that Morton
ought to be able to reduce it without her assistance.
Killigrew was in despair. He wrote instantly, that if
the expedition were abandoned, Scotland would be lost
to them, and as surely united in a league with France.
Everything, he contended, proved this. Lord Seton
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, 23d February,
1572-3. " God so blessed this treaty, as this day, being the 23d aforenoon,
the Articles of Accord and Pacification were signed. "
f Copy of the time, State-paper Office, 23d February, 1572-3. Lord of
Lethington and Grange to the Earl of Huntley.
S40 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1572-3.
had been already negotiating with the regent to win
him to France. What had been Verac's late commis-
sion ? To corrupt the garrison of Dumbarton, to bribe
the governors of the young king, and to convey him
out of Scotland. What was Stephen Wilson's message
out of France, when he was lately seized, and his letters
to the captain of the castle of Edinburgh intercepted?
Did he not bring assurances from the French king and
the Bishop of Glasgow, Mary's ambassador in Paris;
and had he not confessed the Pope's designs, and that
of the rest of the Romish league, to be mainly directed
against England and Scotland? Nay, were not the
papal coffers already unlocked, and the man's name
known who was shortly to bring the money, and begin
the attack ? And would her majesty shut her eyes to
all this, and this too at the very crisis when a decided
effort, and no very great sum, might enable her to con-
found these plans and secure her ground in Scotland ?
Would she countermand her army^ and abandon tHe
advantages which were within her reach, or rather
which she had already secured ? " If so," said the
ambassador, in the end of an eloquent letter to Burgh-
ley, "God's will be done. For mine own part, if
this castle be not recovered, and that with expedition,
I see, methinks, the beginning of sorrows, and her
majesty's peaceable reign hitherto, decaying as it were
in post, which God of his mercy defend. The reasons
be so apparent, as I need not to trouble your honour
with them, whose shoulders, next her majesty's, shall
not carry the least burthen, and therefore I pray God
send you strength to overcome."*
These arguments produced the desired effect ; Eliza-
beth's parsimonious fears gave way under the alarming
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 9th March, 1572-3, Killigrew to Burghley.
1573. REGENCY OF MORTON. 341
arguments of her ambassador; and orders were de-
spatched to Sir William Drury, who had been chosen
to command the enterprise, to have everything in
readiness for the march of the army and the transport
of the cannon at a moment's notice. A last attempt
to bring the Castilians to terms was now made by the
Earl of Rothes, but it led to no result. Kirkaldy and
Lethington declared that, though deserted by all their
friends, they would keep the castle to the last ; and, on
the twenty-fifth of April, the English army, consisting
of five hundred hagbutters, and a hundred and forty
pikemen, entered the capital. They were joined by
seven hundred soldiers of the regent - r and the battering
train having at the same time arrived by sea, the opera-
tions of the siege commenced.
In the midst of these martial transactions, the regent
assembled a parliament,, which, confirmed the league
with England, ratified the late pacification, restored
Huntley and Sir James Balfour to their estates and
honours, and pronounced a sentence of treason and
forfeiture against the Castilians. A summons of sur-
render was then sent to Grange in the name of Morton
and of the English general,* and operations for the
undermining the " Spur," or Blockhouse, and erecting
the batteries on the principal spots which commanded
the walls, proceeded with little interruption from the
besieged. Their obstinacy, indeed, was surprising,
and can only be accounted for by the extraordinary
influence which Lethington possessed, and his fatal
conviction that succours would yet arrive from France.
His power over Kirkaldy was described by Killigrew
* Copy, State-paper Office, 25th April, 1573, Sir "W. Drury's Summons.
Also Ibid., the Regent's Summons, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killi-
grew to Burghley, 27th April, 1573. Also MS. Ibid., Acts of the Parliament,
30th April, 1573.
VOL. VII. T
342 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1573.
as something like enchantment; and although Robert
Melvil, Pitarrow, and other leading men, would fain
have come to terms ; though they argued that their
powder and ammunition were exhausted, their victuals
and supply of water on the point of failing, and their
distress increasing every moment ; still the governor
declared he would hold the castle till he was buried in
its ruins.
On the second of May, Killigrew, who himself as-
sisted in the trenches, wrote thus to Burghley. "Yes-
terday I did advertise your honour of the end of the
parliament. This day Sir Henry Ley, with his com-
pany dined with the regent ; and upon Monday, the
fourth of this month, the general doth intend to begin
to plant his batteries. They within make good show,
and fortify continually to frustrate the first battery,
although the regent and others here be of opinion, that
they will never abide the extremity. Their water will
soon be taken from them when the ordnance shall be
laid both within and without. Hope of succour there
is none, and therefore their obstinacy must needs be
vain. I send your lordship the roll of their names
within, both tag and rag; and, as I am informed,
eighteen of the best of them would fain be out."* All
such hopes of escape, however, were now utterly vain,
for Drury perceived his advantage, and Morton had
determined to receive nothing but an unconditional
surrender. In England, the result of the siege was
regarded with deep interest, and many young cavaliers,
amongst whom was Thomas Cecil, Burghley's eldest
son, repaired from the English court to join the army
and work in the trenches.
On the seventeenth of May the batteries were com-
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 2d May, 1573, Killigrew to Burghley.
1573. REGENCY OF MORTON. 343
pleted, and, beginning to play upon the principal bastion,
named David^s Tower, were answered by a long and
loud shriek from the women in the castle, which was
distinctly heard in the English camp. " This day,"
(seventeenth May,) said Killigrew in one of his journal
letters to Burghley, " at one of the clock in the after-
noon, some of our pieces began to speak such language
as it made both them in the castle, I am sure, think
more of God than they did before, and all our men, and
a great many others, think the enterprise not so hard
as before they took it to be. * * I trust, to be short,
that after the battery shall be outlaid, which as they
say will be ready by the twenty-first of this month,
the matter will be at a point, before the end of the
same. * * Thanks be to God, although it be long-
some, it hath hitherto been with the least blood that
ever was heard in such a case, and this conjecture we
have to lead as, that they want store of powder within,
for they have suffered us to plant all the ordnance, and
to shoot yesterday all the afternoon without any harm
from them. * * "*
From this time till the twenty-third, the cannon
played incessantly upon the castle, the guns of the
garrison were silenced, and in the afternoon of that
day the southern wall of David's Tower fell with a
great crash ; next day its east quarter, the portcullis
and an outer bastion named Wallace Tower, were
beaten down ; and on the twenty-sixth the English,
with little resistance, stormed the " Spur" or Block-
house. "f* Preparations were now made for a general
assault ; and Morton, who had determined to lead the
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Edinburgh, Killigrew to Burghley, 17th
May, 1573. Also Drury to Burghley, 18th May, 1573. " After the first
tyre of ordnance great cries and shouts was made by the women of the castle,
terming the day and hour black."
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Burghley, 28th May, 1573.
344 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1573.
Scottish forces, was exulting in the near prospect of
laying hands upon his victims, when to his mortification
Grange presented himself on the wall with a white rod
in his hand, and obtained from his old friend and fellow-
soldier Drury, an abstinence of two days, preparatory
to a surrender. This was in the evening, and a meeting
immediately took place between Grange and Robert
Melvil, on the part of the Castilians, Killigrew and
Drury for the Queen of England, and Lord Boyd for
the regent. Kirkaldy's requests were, to have surety
for their lives and livings, not be spoiled of their goods
within the castle, to have license for Lord Hume and
Lethington to retire into England, and himself to be
allowed to remain unmolested in his own country.*
To these conditions Drury would probably have
agreed, but they were scornfully rejected by Morton.
As to the great body of the garrison, he said, he was
ready, if they came out singly without arms, and sub-
mitted to his mercy, to grant them their lives, and
permit them to go where they pleased; but there
were nine persons who must be excepted from these
conditions : Grange himself, William Maitland of Leth-
ington the secretary, Alexander lord Hume, Robert
Melvil of Murdocairny, the Bishop of Dunkeld, and
the Lairds of Restalrig, Drylaw, and Pitarrow. These
must submit themselves unconditionally, and their fate
be determined by the Queen of England, according to
the treaty already made between her majesty and his
sovereign."}*
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, 27th May, 1573.
Also Ibid. Sir William Drury to Burghley, 28th May, 1572, in which Drury
Bays, " I will not harken unto the request of the Castilians, further than the
regent and our ambassador shall allow of."
+ Copy of the time, State-paper Office, " The regent's answer to the
Castilians," May '28, 1573. Hso, State-paper Office, copy, "Conditions of
rendering the castle."
1573. REGENCY OF MORTON. 345
This stern reply made it evident to these unfortunate
men, that the regent would be contented with nothing
but their lives ; and, convinced of this, they rejected
his terms, and declared their resolution to abide the
worst. But this was no longer in their power, for
the soldiers began to mutiny, threatened to hang the
secretary over the walls within six hours if he did
not advise a surrender, and were ready to deliver the
captain and his companions to the enemy. * In this
dread dilemma an expedient was adopted,- suggested
probably by the fertile brain of Lethington. Grange,
after refusing the terms in open conference, sent a secret
message to Drury, in consequence of which two com-
panies of the besieging force were admitted within the
walls on the night of the twenty-ninth, and to them
in the morning he and his companions surrendered ;
expressly stating, that they submitted, not to the Re-
gent of Scotland, but to the Queen of England, and
her general, Sir William Drury. They were accord-
ingly carried to his quarters ; and, notwithstanding some
remonstrances upon the part of the regent, received
with courtesy. }* Morton, however, was not thus to
be baulked of his prey. He instantly wrote to Burgh-
ley, warning him that the chief authors of all the
mischief were now remaining without condition in the
hands of Elizabeth's ministers, entreating the queen's
immediate decision upon their fate, and requesting
them to be delivered to him, that they might suffer
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, 20th June. 1573.
} MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Sir William Drury to Burghley, Leith,
June 5, 1573. There is a passage in his letter which is curious. He says,
"By computation there hath heen near 3000 great shot bestowed against the
castle in this service, and the bullets of all or the most part recovered, and
brought again, part by our own labours, and part by the Scots, paying to the
Scottish people a piece of their coin called a bawbee for every bullet, which
IB in value English, one penny and a quarter."
346 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1573
for their crimes.* Killigrew, too, had the barbarity
to advise their execution ; and Drury anxiously awaited
his next orders. At this trying moment, Grange and
Lethington addressed the following letter to one who
had once been knit to them in ties of the strictest
friendship, the Lord Treasurer Burghley.
" My Lord The malice of our enemies is the more
increased against us, that they have seen us rendered
in the queen's majesty's will, and now to seek refuge
at her highnesses hands. And, therefore, we doubt
not, but they will go about by all means possible to
procure our mischief; yea, that their cruel minds shall
lead them to that impudency to crave our bloods at
her majesty's hands. But whatsoever their malice be,
we cannot fear that it shall take success ; knowing with
how gracious a princess we have to do, which hath
given so many good proofs to the world of her clemency
and mild nature, that we cannot mistrust, that the
first example of the contrary shall be shown upon us.
We take this to be her very natural, Parcere subjectis,
el debellare superbos.
" We have rendered ourselves to her majesty, which
to our own countrymen we would never have done, for
no extremity [that] might have come. We trust her
majesty will not put us out of her hands to make any
others, especially our mortal enemy, our masters. If
it will please her majesty to extend her most gracious
clemency towards us, she may be as assured to have
us as perpetually at her devotion as any of this nation ;
yea, as any subject of her own, for now with honour
we may oblige ourselves to her majesty farther than
before we might, and her majesty's benefit will bind
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iv. foL 85. dorso, Morton
to Burghley, 31st May, 1573.
1573. REGENCY OF MORTON, 347
us perpetually. In the case we are in we must confess
we are of small value ; yet may her majesty put us in
case, that perhaps hereafter we will be able to serve
her majesty's turn, which occasion being offered, as-
suredly there shall be no inlack of good will. Your
lordship knoweth already what our request is ; we pray
your lordship to further it. There was never time,
wherein your lordship's friendship might stand us in
such stead. As we have oftentimes heretofore tasted
thereof, so we humbly pray you let it not inlack us
now, in time of this our great misery, when we have
more need than ever we had. Whatsoever our deserv-
ings have been, forget not your own good natural. If,
by your lordship's mediation, her majesty conserve us,
your lordship shall have us perpetually bound to do
you service. * * Let not the misreports of our
enemies prevail against us. When we are in her
majesty's hands she may make us what pleaseth her.
* * * From Edinburgh, the first June, 1573."*
This letter produced no effect. Elizabeth, indeed,
did not instantly decide,, and requested particular in-
formation to be sent her of the " quality and quantity
of the prisoners' offences ; " but Killigrew and Morton
so strongly advised their execution, that the queen com-
manded them to be delivered up to the regent, to be
dealt with as he pleased. This, as she must have known,
was equivalent to signing their death-warrant. Before,
however, the final order arrived, Lethington died in
prison. It was reported that he had swallowed poison ;
but the rumour was uncertain, and was treated by
many as an invention of his enemies.^ Ten days
* MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, C. iv. fol. 86, Lethington and
Grange to Lord Burghley, 1st June, 1573.
f- British Museum, Caligula, C. iv. fol. 97, copy, Elizaheth to Mecton,
9th June, 1573. Ibid. fol. 101. Killigrew to Burghley, 12th June, 1573.
Also, MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, June 20,1573.
348 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1573.
after this, Drury reluctantly complied with the orders
of Elizabeth, and delivered Grange, Hume, John
Maitland, (Lethington's younger brother,) and Robert
Melvil, to the regent ; * Grange's brother Sir James
Kirkaldy, being already in Morton's hands.
Much interest was now exerted to save the life of
Grange, but without success. He had made himself
too conspicuous, and his talents for war were much
dreaded by his adversaries. A hundred gentlemen, his
friends and kinsmen, offered for his pardon to become
perpetual servants to the house of Angus and Morton
in " Bond of Manrent," a species of obligation well
known in those times, and to pay two thousand pounds
to the regent, besides an annuity of three thousand
merks ; but although Morton's prevailing vice was
avarice, he was compelled to resist the temptation, in-
fluenced, as he stated in a letter to Killigrew, by the
" denunciations of the preachers," } who cried out that
God's plague would not cease till the land were purged
with blood. They were aware of the prediction of
Knox so recently uttered upon his death-bed, that
Grange should be shamefully dragged from the rock
wherein he trusted, and hanged in the face of the sun.
The success of Drury had fulfilled the first part, and
the violence with which the ministers opposed every
intercession for mercy, affords a melancholy proof of
their determination that the second head of the reputed
prophecy should be as punctually accomplished.
Nor were they disappointed. On the third of August,
Sir William Kirkaldy and his brother were brought
from Holyrood to the cross of Edinburgh, and executed
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Drury to Burghley, Leith, 18th June,
1573.
f MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton to Killigrew, August 5, 1573.
See Proofs and Illustrations, No. XII. Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 336.
1573. REGENCY OF MORTON. 349
in the presence of an immense concourse of spectators.
They were attended on the scaffold by Mr David Lind-
say, a martial clergyman of those times, to whose hands,
if we may believe Melvii, it was difficult to say whether
the Bible or the hagbut were most congenial instru-
ments. Grange received his ministrations with grati-
tude, and expressed on the scaffold deep penitence for
his sins and unshaken attachment to his captive sove-
reign.*
Thus died the famous Laird of Grange, a gentleman
who, although his character will not bear examination
if we look to consistency and public principle, was
justly reputed one of the best soldiers and most accom-
plished cavaliers of his time."f*
The year 1573 was thus fatal to the cause of Mary,
whose last hope expired with the execution of this brave
man, and the surrender of the castle of Edinburgh. In
England she had seen all her plans blasted by the
death of Norfolk and the imprisonment of the Bishop
of Ross ; to France she could no longer look for active
interference in her behalf, for Elizabeth had recently
entered into the defensive treaty of Blois, with that
kingdom ; and Catherine of Medicis was negotiating
a marriage between the English queen and her son the
Duke D'Alen^on, a proposal hollow indeed, and in-
sincere on both sides, yet, for the time, rendering all
interference with Scotland on the part of France un-
advisable. Even Spain she could no longer regard with
any confidence. The Duke of Alva was the friend and
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley, August 3, 1573.
Melvil's Diary, pp. 26, 27, 28.
)* Melvil's Memoirs, p. 257. His character of Grange is very expressive.
" He was," says he, " humble, gentle, and meek, like a lamb in the house,
but a lion in the field ; a lusty, stark, and well proportioned personage, and
of a hardy and magnanimous courage." See also Melvil's Diary, p. 28.
350
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
1573.
secret correspondent of Burghley and Elizabeth ; and
although the Roman Catholic refugees in Flanders
were incessant in their intrigues, and Philip himself
seemed disposed to annoy her on the side of Ireland
and Scotland, the influence of this minister effectually
counteracted any decided enterprise.* With the death
of Kirkaldy, therefore, the reign of Mary properly
terminates; for immediately after that event, her last
intrepid supporter, Sir Adam Gordon of Auchendown,
retired to France; and from that period till her death,
no subject dared to acknowledge her as his sovereign.
* Gonzalez, pp. 370, 371.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
FROM
MANUSCRIPTS,
CHIEFLY IN
HER MAJESTY'S STATE-PAPER OFFICE,
HITHERTO UNPRINTED;
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
No. I.
Historical Remarks on Knox's implication in Riccio's Murder,^. 21.
IT has long been known, that some of the principal supporters of the
Protestant cause in Scotland were implicated in the assassination of
Riccio ; but it has hitherto been believed that their great ecclesiastical
leader Knox was not privy to this murder. From the language in
which the event is told in his history, it might be inferred, indeed,
that he did not condemn the assassination of one whom he regarded
as a bitter enemy to the truth.* " After this manner above specified,"
says he, " to wit, by the death of David Rizzio, the noblemen were
relieved of their trouble, and restored to their places and rowmes,f
and likewise the Church reformed, and all that professed the Evangel
within this realm, after fasting and prayer, were delivered : " but in
weighing this passage it is to be remembered that, although the Fifth
Book of Knox's history was probably composed from notes and collec-
tions left by the Reformer, it was not written by him.J The late Dr
M'Crie, his excellent biographer, has this sentence upon the subject,
which, from the authority deservedly attached to his life of Knox, may
be taken as the present popular belief upon the point : " There is no
reason to think that he [Knox] was privy to the conspiracy which
proved fatal to Riccio ; but it is probable that he had expressed his
satisfaction at an event which contributed to the safety of religion and
of the commonwealth, if not also his approbation of the conduct of
the conspirators."!
As Dr M'Crie had not the advantage of consulting those letters
upon this subject which I have found in the State-paper Office, and
by which the whole secret history of the conspiracy against Riccio has
* Knox's History, p. 344. + Offices.
M'Crie's Life of Knox by Dr Crichton, pp. 250, 416, and Prefatory
Notice to Bannatyne's Memorials, p. 20.
Life of Knox, p. 253, edited by Dr Crichton,
354 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
been developed, we are not to wonder that he should have spoken so
decisively of Knox's innocence of any previous knowledge of the plot.
I shall now state, as clearly as I can, the evidence upon which I have
affirmed in the text that he was precognizant of the intended murder,
adding, at the same time, some letters which may be quoted in his defence.
The reader is already aware that Riccio was assassinated on the
9th of March, 1565-6 ; that Ruthven, Morton, and Lethington, fled on
the queen's escape, and meditated advance to Edinburgh, (March
1 8th ;) and that, while other accomplices secreted themselves in Scot-
land, Morton and Ruthven took refuge in England. Such being the
state of things, on the 21st of March the Earl of Bedford, then at
Berwick, of which he was governor, thus wrote to Cecil :
" You shall understand that the Lord Ruthven is come hither for
his own safety, who, passing through Tiviotdale, came to Wark castle,
and being troubled with sickness, and therefore weak, tarried the
longer upon the way thence, afore he came here. I received him,
(as I have learned that the ancient order is in like cases,) and so
mean to do such other as shall for like purpose come. He keepeth
most commonly his bed for that small time that he hath as yet tarried
here, and therefore is not so likely to depart hence of some good time.
" The Earl Morton is gone towards Carlisle, and from thence will
take his way towards Newcastle, and so hitherward for some time,
to talk with the Lord Ruthven. The Lord Lindsay and the Laird of
Liddington are both gone to the Earl of Athole for their safeguard :
Liddington, as I hear, will come hither if by any means he can,
whereof, as it cometh to pass, you shall further understand.
" The Earls of Argyle, Glencairn and Rothes, have received their
dress,* and so are in quiet, or, at the least, in hope they shall be quiet.
The Earl of Moray, the Lairds of Grange and Patarro, and the Tutor
of Pitcur, have refused the like dress as the other have received,
seeming thereby the less willing to receive the dress offered them, for
that these lords their friends were excluded out of the favour and
pardon, and so hardly put at ; yet it is thought they will receive it,
for so in any wise have these lords now abroad desired them.
"Their king remaineth utter enemy to these lords now abroad,
notwithstanding his former doings with them. Hereof, and for that
Mr Randolph writeth also more at large of the names of such as now be
gone abroad, I shall not trouble you therewith, "f * * *
This letter was written from Berwick eleven days after the murder,
and about a week after the flight of the conspirators, here called
" those that be gone abroad ;" and we see that, in the last sentence,
* Pardon.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, Berwick, thia
21st March, ] 565.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 355
Bedford mentions to Cecil, that he will not trouble him with any
farther details, as Mr Randolph was at that very time writing to him,
and would send in his letter the names of the conspirators who had
gone abroad.
This letter of Randolph is, accordingly, in the State-paper Office,
and pinned to it I found the promised list of names.* I shall first give
the letter, and then the "list." The letter, which is addressed to
Cecil, is wholly in Randolph's hand ; the list is in the hand of a clerk
who I find at that time was employed by Bedford in his confidential
correspondence. The letter, which is addressed to Cecil, is as fol-
lows :
RANDOLPH TO CECIL.
Berwick, 21s< March, 1565-6.
" May it please your honour,
" Since Mr Carew's departure hence, this hath happened. The
queen, to be revenged upon the lords that gave the last attemptate
and slew David, is content to remit unto the former lords, with whom
she was so grievously ofiended, all that they had done at any time
against her ; who, seeing now their liberty and restitution offered
unto them, were all content, saving my Lord of Moray, to leave the
other lords that were the occasion of their return, and took several
appointment as they could get it, of which the first was the Earl of
Glencairn, next Rothes, Argyle, and so every one after other, saving,
as I said, my Lord of Moray, with him Patarro and Grayne [Grange,]
who, standing so much upon their honours and promise, will not leave
the other, without some likelihood to do them good.
" The lords of the last attemptate, which were these : Morton,
Ruthven, Lindsay and Leddington, finding these men fall from them,
whom they trusted so much in, and for whose cause they had so far
ventured themselves, found it best to save themselves in time ; and,
therefore, upon Sunday last/f every one of the four above named
departed their several way, my Lord of Morton towards the west
Borders, my Lord Ruthven through Tividale, and so came to Wark,
and yesterday to this town ; the Lord Lindsay into Fife, Liddington
to Athole, to my L. there, either to be saved by him, or to purchase
his pardon of the Q,. which is thought will be so hard as may be, and
therefore is he looked for very shortly to be in this country, if he can
escape.
" Besides these that were the principal takers in hand of this mat-
ter, there are also these : the Laird of Ormiston, Hawton his son-in-
law, Cawder his nephew, Brunston, Whyttyngham, Andrew Car of
* This list is now bound up with the volume. See the handwriting of
letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Bedford to Cecil, 27th March, 1568.
f i.e. Sunday, 17th March.
356 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Fawlsyde, Justice-clerk brother, George Douglas, and some other ;
of the town of Edinburgh divers : so that, as I judge, there are as
many like to take hurt in this action, as were in the former. What
is become of any of these I know not as yet, saving Andrew Car that
came to this town with the L. Ruthven and his son.
"The Q. upon Monday last,* returned to Edinburgh. In her com-
pany the Earls Bothwell, Huntley, Marshal, Hume, Seton, with as
many as there [they] were able to bring with them. Where she was
wont to be carried in a chair by four of her guard, she is yet able to
ride upon a horse, though by her own account she hath not six weeks
to her time. She lodgeth not in the abbey, but in a house in the town
in the High Street. Her husband hath disclosed all that he knew of
any man ; and yet hath given his hand, and subscribed divers bands
and writings, testifying that to be his own deed, and done by his
commandment. It is said, that he gave him one blow himself; and,
to signify that the deed was his, his dagger was left standing in his
body after he was dead. Their mind was to have hanged him, but
because business rose in the court between the Earl Bothwell and
such as were appointed to keep the house, they went the next way to
work with him." * * * At Berwick, the 21st March, 1565.
This letter explains itself, and needs no comment. The list of the
names which was pinned to it is as follows. It bears this endorse-
ment in the hand of Cecil's clerk.
"Martii, 1565.
K Names of such as were consenting to the death of David."
" THE EARL MORTON. LOCHLEVEX.
THE L. RUTHVEN. ELPHINSTON.
THE L. LINDSAY. PATRICK MURRAY.
THE SECRETARY. PATRICK BALLANTYNE.
THE MR OF RUTHVEN. GEORGE DOUGLAS.
LAIRDS ANDREW CAR OF FAWDONSIDB.
ORMISTON. JOHN KNOX, ) Preachers 4.
BRUNSTON. JOHN CRAIG, )
HAUGHTON.
* f. e. Monday, 18th March,
j" Spelt thus in original :
TH'KRLE MURTON. LOUGHLYVINB.
THE L. RYVEN. ELVINGSTON.
THE L. LYNNESKY. PATRICK MURRY.
THE SKCREATORY. PATRICK BALLENTYNB.
THE MR OF RYVEN. GEORGE DUGLAS.
LARDS ANDRO KAR OF FAWDONSYDE.
ORMESTON. JOHN KNOX, ) , _
BRYANSTON. JOHN CRAG, / preacheA -
HAUGHTON.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 357
u All these were at the death of Davy and privy thereunto, and are
now in displeasure with the Q,. and their houses taken and spoiled." *
The inference from all this seems to me inevitable ; namely, that
in an authentic list sent to Secretary Cecil by Bedford and Randolph,
the name of John Knox is given as one of those who were privy and
consenting to the death of David Riccio. Now that these two persons,
the Earl of Bedford and Randolph, were intimately acquainted with
the whole details of the conspiracy, has been proved in the text, f
To the proof there given I shall merely add part of a letter of Bed-
ford to Cecil, written, it is to be observed, on the llth of March, the
unhappy man having been murdered on the evening of the 9th of
March.
" After my hearty commendations yesterday, in the morning, the
Earl of Moray and the other lords, and the rest, entered into Scot-
land, and went that night to Edinburgh. * * These lords make
account to find great aid in Scotland, so as shortly things will fall
out in more open sort than as yet, whereof from time to time you
shall be advertised. * * Since the writing hitherto, certain adver-
tisement is come that David is despatched and dead. That it should
be so you have heard before. The manner and circumstances thereof
I will not now trouble you withal. By my next I hope I shall have
somewhat else to say, and then will I write more at large. * * *
"F. BEDFORD."
"From. Berwick this llth March, 1565."
The evidence, therefore, is direct and clear, and comes from those
who must be esteemed the best witnesses in such a case. But there
are other circumstances which strongly corroborate it, as far as Knox
is concerned. The Reformer was then the great leader and adviser
of the party of the Kirk. Riccio was regarded as its bitter enemy,
an opponent of God, an oppressor and tyrant over God's people ; J and
we know that Knox conceived it lawful for private individuals to put
such persons to death, provided all redress in the ordinary course of
justice was rendered impossible. " The truth is," says Dr M'Crie
in his reflections upon the death of Beaton, "he [Knox] held the
opinion, that persons who, by the commission of flagrant crimes, had
forfeited their lives, according to the law of God, and the just laws
* It is certain that this cannot mean that all whose names are to be found
in this list were personally present at the act of the murder ; it should be
understood to mean that " all these were at the murder of Davy or privy
thereto."
J- See p. 24 et seq.
J M'Crie's Life of Knox. by Dr Crichton. p, 253.
Ibid. pp. 25, 101, 1/1,242.
VOL. VIL Z
358 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
of society, such as notorious murderers and tyrants, might warrant
ably be put to death by private individuals, provided all redress in
the ordinary course of justice was rendered impossible, in consequence
of the offenders having usurped the executive authority, or being
systematically protected by oppressive rulers."*
Now, keeping this in mind, we find Morton and Ruthven, the lead-
ing conspirators, informing Cecil in a letter from Berwick, written on
the 27th March, that the great end proposed by them in the murder
of Riccio, was to prevent the universal subversion of religion within
Scotland ; and they add this remarkable sentence, "and to the exe-
cution of the said enterprise, the most honest and most worthy were
easily induced to approve, and fortify the king's deliberation in the
premises ; howbeit, in action and manner of execution, more were
followed of the king's advice, kindled by an extreme choler, than we
deliberated to have done."f Who, then, were these persons named
here "the most honest and most worthy ?" Evidently none else than
the heads of the Protestant party, Morton and Ruthven, Lethington,
Lindsay, and Ochiltree, the Barons of Ormiston, Brunston, Calder,
Hatton, Lochleven, and others in Scotland, with Cecil himself, and
Bedford and Randolph, the great supporters of the Protestant cause
in England ; and here it is to be noted that these Barons of Ormiston,
Brunston, Calder, and Hatton, were dear and intimate personal friends
of Knox, whilst Ochiltree was his father-in-law. The Reformer, also,
as we have seen, was the confidential correspondent of Bedford and
Cecil, the associate in the common cause for the support of religion
with Morton and Lethington, and undoubtedly the most powerful and
influential of all the ministers or leaders of the Kirk. If called upon,
therefore, to believe that the list which implicates him is a forged
document, and that he had no foreknowledge of the murder of Riccio,
we are to believe, that in a plot formed by the party of which he was
the leader, in which all his friends were implicated, the object of
which was to support that form of faith which was dearer to him than
life, by the commission of an act, of which, from his avowed principles,
they knew that he would not disapprove ;+ they studiously declined
his assistance, concealed all that was to happen, and preferred, for
* M'Crie's Life of Knox by Dr Crichton, p. 27.
+ MS. Letter, State-paper Office, 27th March, 1565, Morton and Ruthven
to Cecil.
Dr M'Crie, in noticing Knox's flight from Edinburgh, after the murder,
states, that " it is probable he had expressed his satisfaction at an event
which contributed to the safety of religion and the commonwealth, if not
also his approbation of the conduct of the conspirators." M'Crie's Life of
Knox, by Dr Crichton, pp. 253, 254.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 359
the first time in their lives, to act without him. This supposition
seems to me, I confess, untenable ; and when I find Bedford and
Randolph transmitting his name as one of the conspirators to Cecil,
I cannot escape from giving credit to their assertion.
Another corrohoration of his accession to this conspiracy was his
precipitate flight from Edinburgh with the rest of the conspirators,
upon the threatened advance of the queen to the city. His colleague
Craig, it is to be observed, who was afterwards accused by his parish-
ioners as being too much a favourer of the queen, remained in the
city ; but Knox fled precipitately, and in extreme agony of spirit, to
Kyle ; and, as we have already seen, did not venture to return till
the noblemen rose against the queen after the death of Darnley.* If
he was not implicated, why did he take guilt to himself by flight ?
There is a passage to be found in the manuscript history of Calder-
wood, which is worth noticing upon this point. It has been quoted
by Dr M'Crie,f and is as follows : "King James the Sixth, having
found great fault with Knox for approving of the assassination of
Riccio, one of the ministers said, that the slaughter of David, as far
as it was the work of God, was allowed by Mr Knox, and not other-
wise." Calderwood, MS. ad annum 1591. " Knox himself," adds Dr
M'Crie, "does not make this qualification, when he mentions the
subject incidentally." It is not clear, however, whether this sentence
refers to Knox's allowance, or approval of the murder before or after
the deed. It is, lastly, to be remembered that Riccio was a Roman
Catholic, consequently in Knox's eyes an Idolater; and that the Re-
former and his party held, that Idolatry might justly be punishable
by death. " Into this sentiment they were led," says Dr M'Crie, "in
consequence of their having adopted the untenable opinion, that the
judicial laws given to the Jewish nation were binding upon Christian
nations, as to all offences against the moral law."J
Such is the evidence which appears to me conclusive in support of
the fact stated in the text. Let me now mention two circumstances
which may be quoted in defence of Knox, and in proof of his innocence
of this charge.
The first list, including Knox's name as one privy to Rjccio's death,
is, as we have seen, preserved in the State-paper Office, attached to
a letter, dated 21st March. But there is another list in the British
Museum, dated the 27th of March, which does not include the Refor-
mer's name, or that of Craig his colleague. It is in the handwriting
* See his prayer added to his Answer to Tyrie, quoted in M'Crie'a life,
Note G to period 8th.
t M'Crie's Life of Knox, by Dr Crichton, p. 254.
J Ibid. p. 246.
860 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
of Randolph, and is entitled, " The names of such as were doers, and
of council, in the late attempt for the killing of the secretary David
at Edinburgh, 9th March, 1566 ; as contained in the account sent to
the Council of England, by the Earl of Bedford lieutenant of the North,
and Sir Thomas Randolph, ambassador from England to Scotland at
the time, dated at Berwick, 27th March, 1566." This account or
letter of the 27th of March has been printed from the original in the
Cotton collection,* by Sir Henry Ellis, vol. ii. p. 207, along with the
list of the names.
The second circumstance is this : when Morton and Ruthven fled
to Berwick, and sent to Bedford a vindication of their proceedings
with the intent that he should communicate it to Cecil and Elizabeth,
they positively denied that any of the ministers of Scotland were art
and part in the conspiracy, and accused the Papists of having raised the
report. "It is come to our knowledge (they say) that some Papists
have bruited that these our proceedings have been at the instigation
of the ministers of Scotland. We assure your lordship upon our hon-
our, that there were none of them art nor part of that deed, nor were
participate thereof." f
And now it may be asked, Why do you reject the evidence of this
eecond list, and why are we not to believe this solemn declaration
absolving the ministers of Scotland, and of course Knox with them,
from all participation in the murder ? To this I answer, that there
is no evidence to raise doubt that the list given on the 21st March was
written in good faith, while the event was yet new, after the arrival
of Lord Ruthven, and without any object but that of transmitting
information to Cecil; while that of the 27th March, sent to the council
of England, was carefully prepared after the failure of the conspiracy
by the escape of the queen, and when the cautious and politic Morton
had reached Berwick. That these lords would have an especial object
in keeping the names of Knox and Craig out of the list is evidenced
by the above extract, and that they would have little scrtiple to such
a suppression is clear from the manner in which they submit their
narrative to Cecil, to be amended and qualified at his pleasure. That
the Secretary of Elizabeth did modify and recast the story after the
failure of the conspiracy, and with the approbation, or by the directions
of Elizabeth, is expressly asserted by one who appears to have had
an intimate acquaintance with the whole plot against Riccio. " La
Regina d'Inghilterra," says he, " quale era stata causa del tntto,
* Caligula, B. x. fol. 337.
J- Harleian, No. 289, fol. 96, endorsed in Cecil's handwriting, Copy 01
Instructions to my Lord of Bedford, from the Lords of Morton and Rewnen,
(Ruthven,) 156(7. This date of the year is not in Cecil's hand.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 361
intendendo la pace fra il Re e Regina di Scotia, s'attristo molto e fece
scrivere per il suo Secretario Cecille, per tutto il regno, che la causa
di tutto il suddetto, era perche il Re haveva trovato il detto Ricciolo
a dormire con la Regina. II che non fu mai vero. * The extent to
which this modification and alteration was not only permitted, but
invited, to be carried, may be gathered from a passage in a letter of
Morton and Ruthven to Secretary Cecil, sending him their account of
the conspiracy and murder .f " If (say they, alluding to their enclosed
narrative) there be anything that be hardly written, that might have
been cuthit% in gentler terms, we will most humbly request your
hpnour to supply us therein, to amend and qualify as your wisdom thinks
good, anything that you think extreme or rudely handled. It is our
meaning after the return of your honour's answer with this copy cor-
rected, if so you find good, to send copies of that matter in France,
Scotland, and such other places needful, as shall be thought necessary
for staying of false and untrue reports and rumours." And lastly, it
is quite evident, from a passage in Bedford's and Randolph's letter
of the 27th March, giving the account of the murder, and sending the
list of the names, that the chief authorities consulted, for both account
and list, were Morton and Ruthven, whose object it was to suppress
the names of the ministers which appeared in the first list.
So far then as to the preference given of the first list to the second ;
but then comes the question, Why not believe Morton, when he states,
upon his word of honour, that none of the Ministers of Scotland were
art and part of that deed ? I answer, because according to Morton's
notions, being art and part, or participate in any action or crime, was
a totally different thing from being privy to it, or cognizant of it before
it was committed. Morton, according to the distinction which he made
on his own trial, might have asserted with perfect honour, that neither
Knox nor any of the ministers were participate in Riccio's murder,
and yet he may have been perfectly aware that Knox was privy to
the murder, knew that it was about to be committed, and, according
to the expression used to the king by one of their number, allowed of
it, that is, gave a silent consent to it, so far as he considered it to be
* Awisi di Scotia, See postea, p. 364.
) MS. Letter, State-paper Office, Morton and Ruthven to Cecil, Berwick,
2d April, 1566. Endorsed by Cecil's clerk, Earl Morton and Lord Ruthven
to my Mr, with the Discourse touching the killing of David.
J Expressed.
Bedford and Randolph say, " Having conferred the reports from abroad,
which came to our knowledge, with the sayings of those noblemen, the Lord
Morton, and the Lord Ruthven that are present, and of them all, that which
we have found nearest to the truth, or, as we believe, the truth itself, have
here put them in writing." 27th March, 1566. Ellis, vol. ii.
362 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the work of God, for the destruction of an enemy of the truth and an
idolater. I say confidently, Morton made this distinction, because ha
tells us so himself in his own trial and subsequent confession. "When,"
says Spottiswood,* " the Earl of Montrose, Chancellor of the Assize,
declared him [Morton] convicted of counsel, concealing, and being
art and part, of the king's murther, at these last words he showed
himself much grieved, and beating the ground once or twice with a
little staff he carried in his hand, said, 'Art and part, art and parti
God knoweth the contrary.' " " Then it was said to him, apparently,
my Lord, ye cannot justly complain of the sentence that is given against
you, seeing that with your own mouth ye confess the foreknowledge
and concealing of the king's murder. He answered, I know that to
be true, indeed; but yet they should have considered the danger that
the revealing it would have brought to me at that time. * * And
howbeit they have condemned me of art and part, foreknowledge, and
concealing of the king's murder, yet, as I shall answer to God, / nerer
had art or part, red or counsel, in that matter. I foreknew indeed and
concealed it, because I durst not reveal it to any creature for my life."t
It is perfectly clear, therefore, that Morton's declaration, that none
of the ministers of Scotland were art and part of Riccio's murder, does
not necessarily imply any declaration that Knox had not a foreknow-
ledge of the murder ; on the contrary, it is quite consistent with his
having known it, and, according to the term used by one of his brethren
to James, allowed of it.J
No. II.
Plot of Lennox and Darnley against Mary's Crown and Life, p. 19.
In the letter from Randolph to the Earl of Leicester, which is quoted
in the text, p. 19, the reader is aware that he alludes darkly to a plot
of the king, and the Earl of Lennox his father, to deprive the queen
of her crown, perhaps of her liberty and life. "I know," says he, "these
practices in hand contrived between the father and son to come by
the crown against her will. * * I know, that if that take effect
which is intended, David shall have his throat cut within these ten
days. Many things grierouser and worse than these are brought to my
ears, yea, of things intended against her own person, vhich, because I
think it better to keep secret than write to Mr Secretary, I speak not
of them but now to your Lordship."
It is of great importance in the question of Mary's guilt or inno-
* Spottiswood, p. 313. { Banna tyne's Memorials, p. 319.
J M'Crie's Life of Knox, by Dr Crichton, p. 254.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 363
cence, to ascertain the truth of the existence of such a plot against
her crown and life by her husband the king, and his father, and I
have found amongst the valuable collections of Prince Labanoff, a
paper copied from the Archives of the House of Medici, which strongly
corroborates it. I give it here with kind permission. It is thus en-
titled:
AVVISI DI SCOTIA, DELLI 11, 13, & 28, DI MARZO, 1566.
SOPRA GLI ANDAMENTI DI QUEL RfiGNO.
Li Ribelli di Scotia che stavano in Inghilterra, col consenso del nove
Re di Scotia ritornorno a casa loro, e trattavano co il Re suddetto di
darli la Corona hereditale, accio che lui restasse Re absolute, ancora
che la Regina morisse senza figlioli.
Detto Re persuadendosi simil fatto, eonsentita alia morte delict
Regina sua moglie, e gia aveva consentito alia Morte De David Riccio
10 Secretario de delta Regina, et lei aveva fatto riserrar in una camera,
con guardia d'Heretici, accio che li Cattolici non la potessero soccor-
rere, e fra tanto attendevano detti Hereteci, a far che il stato tutto
consentisse alia incoronazione di detto Re, et alia privazione del Go-
verno di detta Regina. Al che non consentendo il Populo, e avendo
11 Re la mala persuasione fatta a gli da quelli tristi ribaldi, si pente
dell' errore, e seno ando dalla Regina, alia quale dopo averla salutata
amorevolmente raconto tutto il successo, e gl'adimando perdona del
animo suo tristo hauto contra di lei, la quale con piu buon animo, e
lieta fronte che puote lo ricevette, dicendoli che non credeva che egli
havesse mai hauto simile intentione contra di lei, et che se forse fosse
incorso in qualche mancamento di fede, che pregava Iddio gli perdon-
asse, et lei non solamente gli perdonava ma etiam perdonava a tutti
gli altri, che la persequitavano, e cosi subito tutti due si raconsiliorno
et cercorono via di salvarsi.
Stando il Re con la Regina gli Heretici credevano che lui tratasse,
accioche lei sotto scrivesse certi Capitole che essi adimandavano sopra
la perdonanza, et retributione de suoi beni, il che dicendo il Re alia
Regina che cosi aveva promesso di fare, Lei subito diede modo al Re,
che se ritornasse da loro con dirgli, che Irt Regina voleva fare ogni
cosa, che a dimandavano, e cosi se ne ando il Re da essi heretici et
lettoli il proposito che fu da loro creduto, gli exorto a mettere la Re-
gina in liberta, promettendo lui di guardarla, che non potesse fuggire,
al che loro per compiacere al Re consentivono, e se ne partirono las-
ciando la Regina in mano del Re suo marito.
Parliti gli heretici, il Re e la Regina mandorono subito per un
Capitauo loro confidente, il quale vinne con buon numero di soldati
364- HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Catolici per una parte segreta, che non furono veduti dalli inimici,
gionte da lore maestra se ne fuggirono, a una Fortezza chiamata Don
Bar, dove arrivorono al alba del giorno, et ivi aspettorono il soccorso
di nove mille fanti Cattolici, con quali andorono contra detti Ribelli,
et gli schacciarono di quel suo Regno, et sono ritornati detti Heretic!
in Inghilterra.
Ritornate il Re et la Regina a Lisleborgo, dove successe il snddetto,
fecero tagliar la testa a cinque principal! di quolla Citta author! et
inventor! di simile impresa.
La Regina d'Inghilterra, quale era stata causa del tutto intendendo
la pace fra il Re et Regina di Scotia, s'attristo molto et fece scrivere
per il suo Secretario Cecille, per tutto il Regno, che la causa di tutto
il suddetto, era perche il Re haveva trovato il detto Ricciolo a dormire
con la Regina il che non fu mai vero* * * .*
It is evident that these Advices from Scotland were given by a
person on the spot, and intimately acquainted with the object and cir-
cumstances of the plot against Riccio ; and the statement it contains
of Darnley's consent to the queen's death is of great importance for
this fact once admitted, and discovered by Mary, her position in refer-
ence to a husband whom she knew had plotted against her own life
was materially altered.
No. III.
Joseph Plccio and Joseph Lutyni, p. 61.
JOSEPH RICCIO, the brother of David Riccio, came into Scotland
with Monsieur de Mauvissiere early in April 1566 j-f* on the 26th April
he was made secretary in his brother's place ; and on the 20th June
Drury informed Cecil that he was growing apace into favour. JOSEPH
LUTYNI was a gentleman in the Scottish queen's service, an intimate
friend of Joseph Riccio.J
On the 23d January 1566-7, Sir William Drury addressed the fol-
lowing letter to Cecil :
DECRY TO CECIL.
"23d January, 1566, Berwick.
" Right Honourable, As this bearer Mr Throckmorton hath, by
Borne necessary business of his own, occasion to repair to the court,
* Filza 3 de Carteggio e affari con la Corte d'Inghilterra. Collated and
certified by the Archivista, G. Tanfani.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, April 20, 1566.
. J MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, June 20, 1566.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 365
eo have I something not unmeet to advertise, which is, that at my
arrival here, my Lord of Bedford being departed, I found here one
'Joseph [Lutyni] an Italian, and a gentleman who had served the
Queen of Scots, and depeschedwith her good favour and license towards
France, about certain of her grace's affairs, as by the copy of his pass-
port, accompanied herewith, may appear; who taking this town in his
way, through weak constitution of health, made his stay here for his
better recovery ; in which meantime I received a letter from the
Queen of Scots, purporting a request to apprehend and stay him, for
that he had, against the laws, taken goods and money from some of
his fellows, as by the copy of the letter sent herewith your honour may
be informed at length, which since, as appeareth by one that pursueth
him, the queen's tailor, is but upon some old reckoning between them;
and, therefore giveth me to think, by that I can gather as well of the
matter as of the gentleman, that it is not it that the queen seeketh so
much as to recover his person. For, as I have learned, the man had
credit there ; and now the queen mistrusteth lest he should offer his
service here in England, and thereby might, with better occasion, utter
something either prejudicial to her, or that she would be loath should
be disclosed but to those she pleaseth. Whereupon I have thought
good to stay the man till such time as the queen's majesty's pleasure,
or my lords of the council, be signified unto me, which the sooner it
be, the more shall the poor stranger be eased.
" The occurrents are, the Lord Darly lyeth sick at Glasgo of the
small pocks, unto whom the queen came yesterday : that disease be-
ginneth to spread there. The Lord Morton lyeth at the Lord of
Whytinghames, where the Lord Bodwell and Ledington came of late
to visit. He standeth in good terms for his peace. Here we look for
Ledington or Melvyn very shortly to repair. This evening arrived
here the ambassador of Savoy, Monsieur de Morett. The return this
way of Monsieur le Croc, is also looked for here. Thus having nothing
farther to trouble your honour, I humbly take my leave. From Ber-
wick this 23d January, 1566.*
" WILLIAM DB.URY."
Endorsed by Cecil's clerk, Mr Drury marshal of Berwick, to my
3f r . 23d January, 1566.
We hear no more of this Italian till the 7th February, 1566-7, when
Drury wrote as follows to Cecil on the subject.
* State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil.
366 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
DRORY TO CECIL.
"Berwick, 7th February, 1566-7-
" It may please your honour to be advertised. This day, immedi-
ately after my letter despatched to the L. Lethington in answer of
one of the queen's and another of his tending both to one effect, for
the delivery of the Italian Joseph, the very copy whereof I send here-
with, I received even then one from your H. of the last of January,
mentioning some direction of answer concerning the said Italian."
Drury proceeds to state, that he had not been able to find out from
the stranger any matter of much moment. He then adds, " He (the
Italian) doubteth much danger ; and so affirmeth unto me, that if he
return he utterly despaireth of any better speed than a prepared
death."*
On the 19th of February, 1566-7, Drury again thus wrote touching
the same Italian to Cecil.
DRURY TO CECIL.
"Berwick, February, 19, 1566-7.
u It may please your H. to be advertised, that I have received your
letter of the 13th the 18th of this present, I having before returned
the Italian to the queen, sending a gentleman with him, as well to
see him safely delivered unto her as to put the L. of Ledington in
mind both of the queen's promise, whereof I doubted not, as of his own,
that, satisfying the debt, he should be in safety returned or restored
to his liberty." f * * * *
Lastly, on the 28th February, 1566-7, Drury addressed a letter to
Cecil, giving in its first paragraph, which follows, the sequel of the
Italian's story, his return to Scotland, his examination by Bothwell,
and his courteous dismissal.
DRCRT TO CECIL.
u It may please your honour to be advertised, that the Italian here
stayd, which the Queen of Scots by her letters required, I did send
him unto her by a lieutenant of this garrison. She saw him not, but
caused the Earl Bodwell to deal with him, who offered him fair speech
to have him to tarry, which he would not yield unto ; he satisfied
such debt as the tailor could demand of him, others demanding of
him nothing. The queen willed to give him 30 crowns, and hath re-
turned him again unto me, who minds to-morrow to take his journey
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Drury to Cecil, 7th Feb. 1566-7.
t MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., Feb. 19, 1566-7.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 367
towards London, very well contented, as he seemeth, to hare left
Scotland* * * ."*
Having thus given all the letters which relate to this obscure matter,
in order that the reader may form his own opinion, I conclude this
note by the letter of Joseph Riccio to Joseph Lutyni, the Italian in
question, part of which has been quoted in the text. It is endorsed
by Cecil thus, " Joseph Riccio, the Queen of Scots' servant"
JOSEPH RICCIO TO JOSEPH LUTYNI.
SIGNOR JOSEPH,
lo ho ditto a la Regina e a Thimoteo che voi mTiavete portato
via i miei denari, e la causa che io lo ditto e per quel, che voi inten-
derete.
Quando noi fumo tornati di Starlino Thimoteo domando dove erano
i vostri cavalli e le vostre robbe. Io li dissi che le vostre robbe erano
drento il vostro coffano, e Lorenso Cagnoli li disse che voi havevi
portato tutto con voi, insieme coni vostri cavalli, e che voi 1'havete
ditto, "io ho bene abuzato il segretario perche pensa che le miei
robbe siano drento il mio coffano, ma non ve niente. "
Quando Thimoteo intese questo comincio a dire, " Cosi m'havete
abuzato, Mr Segretario, la regina me ne fara la' ragione," e cosi trova
Bastia e lo fa dire a la Regina, ch'io 1'havevo assicurato, che voi eri
andato per suoi affari, e che su quello m'haveva prestato cento scudi,
e tutti cominciorno a dire che li era qualche cattivaria, e chio la
sapeva e che voi havevi buttato le mani nelli pappieri della Regina ;
e io, che non voleva esser suspessionato, comincio a dire che voi
m'havevi portato via sei Portoghese, e cinque nobili, e che m'havete
promisso di mi lassare i vostri cavalli, e la Regina subbito mi dimanda
" Dove sono i miei braccialetti ? " e io li dissi che voi li havevi portati
conesso voi, e che erano drento la borsa con i miei denari, e Bastia
comincia a dire che voi li dovevi sesanta franchi, e cominciano a dire
tutti, bisogna mandarli appresso, e fanno tanto, che la Regiiia comanda
a Ledinton di fare una lettera per vi fare arrestare per camino.
In questo mezo, Monsieur di Moretta e arrivato qui, il quale dice
che voi li havete ditto, che io ero causa, che voi fate questo viaggio.
Pigliate guardia come voi havete parlato, perche se voi dite per
quello che andavi, noi saremo tutti dui in gran pena. Io ho sempre
ditto che voi eri andato per pigliar denari, e per lassar passar la collera
della regina che 1'haveva contra di voi, e chio vi haveva consigliato
cosi, e chio vi haveva prestato denari per far questo viaggio, la somma
di sesanta scudi e due Portoghese, perche ancora voi potrete dir cosi,
e io o ditto che i denari che voi m'havete portato, per che voi me li
* MS. Letter, State-paper Office, B.C., 28th February, 1566-7.
.368 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
avette resi quando voi fussi tomato di francia ; e cosi voi et io saremo
tutti due scusati. E se voi fate altramente voi sarcte causa della
mia ruuina, e penso che voi non mi vorreste vedere in ruuina. Per
1'amor di dio fate come s'io fussi vostro figluolo, e vi prego per 1'amor
di dio e della buona amisitia che voi m'havete portata et io a voi, di
dire come io vi mando, coe di fare questo viaggio per ritirare i vostri
deuari, e per lassar passar la collera a la Regina, e la sospittio che
ella haveva di voi, e che i denari che io o ditto che voi m'havete pigli-
ato, che voi ITiavete pigliati per paura che nonvene mancasse per fare
il vostro viaggio, e che voi me li haveste resi quando voi fussi tomato,
e che non bisognava che io v'havessi fatto un tal brutto,* e che voi
Bete homo da bene, e che non li vorreste haver pigliati, sensa render-
meli, a causa che io ero tanto vostro compagno, voi non havette mai
pensato che io ne havessi fatto un tal brutto. Et vi prego di non
volere esser causa della mia ruuina, e se voi dite cosi come vi mando
sarete scusato, e io ancora.
La regina vi manda ci pigliare, per parlar ; con voi pigliate guardia
a voi, che voi la conoscete, pigliate guardia che non v'abbuzi delle sue
parole, come voi sapete bene ; e m'ha detto che vuol parlare a voi in
segreto, e pigliate guardia delli dire come vi ho scritto, e non altra-
mente, a fin che nostra parola, si confronti 1'una e Paltra, e ne voi ne
io non saremo in pena nessuna, e vi prego di fare quanto v'ho scritto
e non altramente. Fatemi intendere innanzi che voi siete qui, la
vostra volunta, et vi prego de haver pieta di me e non voler esser
causa della mia morte, e facendo come io vi mando non sarete niente
in pena ne io ancora, e io vene saro sempre obligate, e troverete chio
Io conoscero d'una maniera, che voi vene contenterete di me, e vi
prego di mi volere scrivere quello che voi volete dire, a fin che io non
sia piu in questa pena che io sono innanzi che voi ariviate qui, per
homo espress.
Altra cosa non vo da scrivere per adesso, perche velo diro quando
sarete qui, e vi prego di haver pieta di me, e di voi, perche se voi
dite altramente di quel che io v'ho scritto, sarete in pena si ben come me.
Pregando dio che vi dia contentezza di ed lilemburgh questa dome-
nica.
Vro come buon fratello,
JOSEPH RICCIO.
Vi prego di brugiar la littera appresso che voi 1'havete letta.f
* Sic in original.
f State-paper Office. The letter is thus endorsed in Cecil's hand, Joseph
Biccio the Queen of Scots 1 servant.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 369
No. IV.
Darnley's Murder, p. 68.
I have stated the fact of the king having been strangled, and have
added some new particulars regarding the murder, not only on the
authority of a letter of Drury to Cecil, but from what I consider a
still more unexceptionable piece of evidence, the assertion of Morett
the Savoy ambassador, who was on the spot, and had an opportunity
of making himself acquainted with all the circumstances. As this
point has been controverted, and some obscurity still hangs over the
mode in which the murder was completed, I am happy to be able to
publish the following curious and authentic extract from a letter dated
at Paris, 1 6th March, 1567. It forms part of the collections of Prince
Labanoff, the original being amongst the Medici papers, to which the
prince had access. The letter was written by the Papal Nuntio at
Paris to the Grand Duke ; and after stating the arrival of Father
Edmonds and Monsieur de Morett the ambassador at Paris, with
some other particulars, which I need not mention, it proceeds thus :
" Quanto al particular della morte du quel Re, il detto Signor di
Moretta ha ferma opinione, che quel povero Principe, sentendo il
rumore delle genti che attorniavano la casa, e tentavano con le chiave
false apprir gl'usci, volse uscir per una porta che andava al giardino,
in camicia, con la peliccia, per fuggire il pericolo, e quivi fu affogato,
e poi condotto fuori dal giardino, in un piccolo horto fuori dalla
muraglia della Terra, e che poi con il fuoco ruinassero la casa per
amazzar il resto ch'era dentro, di che se ne fa conjettura percio che
il Re fu trovato morto in camicia, con la peliccia a canto, et alcune
donne che allogiavano vicino al giardino, affermano d'haver udito
gridar il Re : ' Eh fratelli miei habbiate pieta di me per amor di colui,
che ebbe misericordia di tutto il mondo,' et il P. Edmondo m'afierma,
che il Re questa mattina,haveva secondoil suo solito udita lamessa,
e che era stato sempre allevato della madre Cattolicamente ma che
per desiderio di regnare alle volte dissimulava 1'antica religione, se,
cosi e'degni sua divina maesta haver misericordia di quella povera
anima." * * *
"Parigi, 16 de Marzo, 1567."
Collated and certified by the Archivista, G. Tanfani, 17th February,
1840.
The following letters, from Drury to Cecil, give us some additional
particulars relative to the murder of the king, and Bothwell's trial
and conduct after it :
370 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
DRURY TO CECIL.*
"Berwick, February 28, 1566-7.
"May it please your honour, &c. * * *
"There hath been other bills bestowed f upon the church doors,
as upon a tree called the Tron, wherein they speak of a smith who
should make the key, and offers, (so there might be assurance of the
living that by proclamation was offered,) he and others will with their
bodies approve these to be the devisers, and upon the same venture
their lives.
" There was at the meeting at Dunkeld, the Earls Moray, Morton,
Athole, and Caithness, the L. Oglebie, the L. Glammis, Lindsay, and
others. John Hepburn, sometime Captain under the Earl Bodwell
of the Hermitage, is thought to be one of the executors of this cruel
enterprise ; there is one Hughe Leader also suspected. I am pro-
mised to understand the certainty. His servant Sandy Duram, a
Scottish man, is thought also to know some part. I will not write of
BO much as the Scots speak themselves, and some of them of credit.
" Standen and Nelson, with some others that served the Lord
Darnley, as I hear, are referred for their wages to the Provost of
Edinburgh. The Lord of Craigmillar, and the Earl Bodwell, hath
promised to give Standen a horse. Hudson, a man of good years,
with the rest of the musitianers, came this other day to Seton, to the
queen, and required her license that they might repair into their
country. She dissuaded them to the contrary, saying unto them, you
have lost a good master, but if you will tarry you shall find me not
only a good mistress, but a mother. But they mind again to move
her, and, as I hear, minds to return. There is with her at Seton,
Argyle, Huntley, Bodwell, and Livingston ; the Lord Seton is gone
to Newbottle, having left the whole house to the queen ; so she is
there of her own provision, and minds, as I am advertised, to tarry
there till near unto Easter. There is in hand to have the lords as-
semble in Edinburgh. She hath twice sent for the Earl of Moray,
who stayeth himself by my ladie in her sickness. It is said that the
Lord Fleming shall be the Earl BodwelPs deputy at Anwick for
suppression of the rebels of Liddesdale, and that certain of the soldiers
are gone from Edinburgh to the Hermitage there to remain.
" There was a rich ship of Shetland, bound to Flanders, lost this
last week at Holy Island, receiving a leak, coming from Leith. She
was laden with fells, hides, and leaden ore. The Frenchmen that
* State-paper Office, B.C. + Sic in original.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 371
I wrote of in my last letters, that took shipping at Leith, have been
put in by weather into the Holy Island, and there have remained
these eight days past.
" Edward Collingwood, one of this garrison horsemen, is returned
from the Earl Bodwell, having remained with him in Scotland this
quarter of this year. I have upon respects committed him to ward :
by my next letters your honour shall understand more. The gates
of Seton are very straitly kept. Captain Cullen, with his company,
have the credit nearest her person.
" The Earl of Bodwell was on Thursday at Edinburgh, where hi
openly declared, affirming the same by his oath, that if he knew who
were the setters up of the bills and writings he would wash his hands
in their blood. His followers, who are to the number of fifty, fol-
low him very near. Their gesture, as his, is of the people much noted.
They seem to go near and about him, as though there were that would
harm him ; and his hand, as he talks with any that is not assured unto
him, upon his dagger, with a strange countenance, as the beholders
of him thinks. Even as the L. Darnley, and his servant William
Taylor, lay in the house in distance one from the other, even so, as
also otherwise,* were they found together. Signior Francis, as I hear,
minds to pass this way within six or eight days.
" I send your lordship here the copy of some of the bills set up,
whereby you may see how undutifully the doers of the same doth
behave themselves against their sovereign. I have thought it my
part as well to send to you this, as I have done in the rest, for that
I would, if you should so think it meet, that her majesty my sovereign,
should understand all that comes to my knowledge of the proceedings
in these parts. The Lady Bodwell is, I am by divers means informed,
extremely sick, and not likely to live. They will say there, she is
marvellously swollen. Even now is brought me that the queen came
upon Wednesday at night to the Lord Whawton'sf house, seven miles
off this side ; dined by the way at a place called Tranent, belonging
to the Lord Seton, where he and the Earl of Huntley paid for the
dinner, the queen and the Earl Bodwell having, at a match of shoot-
ing, won the same of them. There is a proclamation made in Edin-
burgh, forbidding all persons for raising up any of the stones or timber
at the house where the L. Darnley was murdered. There is one of
Edinburgh that affirms how Mr James Bafourde bought of him powder
as much as he should have paid three score pounds Scottish, but he
must parformej it with oyle to that value. Bafourde came to Edin-
* Sic. in original. There must be some mistake in Drury's mode of ex-
pressing himself, as the text implies a contradiction,
f Probably Hawton. J Parfume.
372 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
burgh upon Wednesday at night, accompanied to the Tower with
thirty horsemen. When he was near unto the Tower, he lighted, and
came in a secret way ; [one] is now come to me of this Tower that
saw him when he came : he is hateful to the people. This person of
this Tower assures me also, that yesterday, being Thursday, before
he departed thence, he saw a bill, having been set up the night before,
where were these letters written in Roman hand, very great, M. R.
" With a sword' in a hand near the same letters j then an L. B. with
a mallet near them, which mallet, they, in their writing, called a mell.
These being even now brought me, and affirmed by him that saw it, I
have also thought it my part to advertise your honour of, that her
maj. my sovereign, may know all that passes, as much as comes to
my knowledge, wherein I think I do my duty ; which, if I understand
from you that it be not so taken, I shall cease from it, and do accord-
ing to your direction ; for I only desire from your honour that I may
from time to time receive your advice, how best I may here employ
my time to deserve her majesty's favour and liking. How I have
spent my time sithence my last coming, in remedying of things needful
for her highness's service, your honour may by others understand.
" I have received divers requests made unto me by them that hath
come from Scotland for the receiving of Standen and his company.
I have answered, I will neither advise them to come, nor promise
them any favour ; and minds if they come to commit them to ward
till I understand from you her majesty's pleasure, which it may please
you to signify unto me.
" The L. of Cessford and Fernyhirst, with the chief of both par-
ties are now at Edinburgh for the continuance of the agreement
amongst them ; which agreement, as it is thought, will breed no great
good to the queen's maj. my sovereign her subjects upon the Borders;
for the being agreed, they will rob and spoil faster by their reding.*
* * &c.
W. DRUKY."
No.V.
Bothwett's Trial, p. 80.
The following is the letter to Cecil, alluded to in the text :
DRURY TO CECIL, -f-
\Zth April, 1567.
" RightHonble. Thequeen's majesty'sletter,directed to the Queen
of Scots, I received the 1 1th hereof, at x of the clock, which forthwith
* By their reding, i. e., by their agreement : in consequence of their agree-
ment they will be able to rob the faster. f State-paper Office, B.C.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 373
1 discharged by the Provost Marshal here, who in mine opinion was
not the unmeetest I could choose for the purpose.
" He arrived at the court the 12th, at six in the morning, and then
used his diligence immediately to deliver his letter, which he had in
charge, to the queen, attending some good space in court, procuring
all that he might by the means of such as were near her person, who
told him it was early, and that her majesty was asleep, and therefore
advised him to tarry some time thereabouts, till she arose ; which he
did, going out of the court into the town, and shortly after returned,
she being not yet risen, and therefore walked about till 9 or almost 10
o'clock, when all the lords and gentlemen were assembled taking their
horse ; and then thinking his opportunity aptest, going into the court
as a little before he did, (the contents of the letter he brought, being
conjectured and bruted to be for stay of the assize,) was denied pas-
sage into the court in very uncourteous manner, not without some
violence offered ; which seeing he could not be permitted to have re-
course as all other persons, whatsoever they were, he requested that
some gentleman of credit would undertake faithfully to deliver hia
letter, from the Queen's majesty of England, to the queen their sove-
reign, which none would seem to undertake.
" Upon this came unto him the Parson of Oldhamestock, surnamed
Hepborne, who told him that the Earl Bodwell had sent him with
this message, 'that the earl understanding he had letters for the queen,
would advise him to retire him to his ease, or about some other his
business, for the queen was so molested and disquieted with the busi-
ness of that day, that he saw no likelihood of any meet time to serve
his turn, till after the assize.'
" Then came the Lord of Skirling, who asked him, if his letter were
either from the Council or the queen's majesty : he told him from the
queen's majesty only. Then, said he, ye shall be soon discharged ;
and so returning into the court, desired the said person to keep him
company at the gate,which he did; and there with espying a Scottish
man whom he had for his guide, took occasion to reprehend and
threaten him of hanging, for bringing English villains as sought to and
procured the stay of the Assize, with words of more reproach.
" In this instant Ledington was coming out, and Bodwell with him,
at the which all the lords and gentlemen mounted on horseback, till
that Ledington came to him demanding him [of] the letter, which he
delivered. Then Bodwell and he returned to the queen, and stayed
there within half an hour, the whole troop of lords and gentlemen still
on horseback, attending for his coming. Ledington seemed willing
till have passed by the Provost without any speech ; but he pressed
towards him, and asked him if the queen's majesty had perused the
VOL. VII. 2 A
374 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
letter, and what service it would please her majesty to command him
back again.
" He answered, that as yet the queen was sleeping, and therefore
had not delivered the letters, and thought that there would not be any
meet time for it till after the assize, wherefore he willed him to attend ;
so giving place to the [throng] of people that passed, which was great,
and by the estimation of 'men of good judgment above 4000 gentlemen
besides others. The Earl Bodwell passed with a merry and lusty
cheer, attended on with all the soldiers, being 200, all harkebuzers,
to the Tolbooth, and there kept the door, that none might enter but
Buch as were more for the behoof of the one side than the other. The
assize began between x and xi, and ended vii in the afternoon.
" The Earl of Argyle and Huntley [/were] chief judges. What
particularly was done or said there, I cannot yet learn, more than
that there were two advocates called Crawford and Cunningham, for
the Earl of Lennox, who accused the Earl Bodwell for the murder of
the king, alleging certain documents for the same, and desiring forty
days' term longer, for the more perfect and readier collection of his
proofs."
There is another original letter of Drury's written about this time,
which is a fragment, and without the date of month or day. It con-
sists of disjointed pieces of news sent from Scotland by some one of
those many spies from whom Drury received information. " The guard,"
says he, " of the soldiers of Bodwell, he going to be tried by the assize,
and their keeping of the door, is much misliked of." " Bothwell,
immediately after the trial, set up a cartel of defiance; he would fight
any one (except a defamed person) who accused him of the king's
death. If I thought it might stand with the queen my sovereign her
favour, I would answer it and commit the sequel to God. I have for
me sufficient to charge him with, and would prove it upon his body,
as willingly as I would receive the obtaining of my sute, required of
the queen's majesty. I have here caused the draught of a letter to
her majesty, humbly craving your honour's judgment of it. The mar-
riage of the queen to Bodwell, and the death of the prince, is presently
looked for. I send you here inclosed the ploughman's bill, if your
honour shall think it good to show it to her majesty. There is another
worse, which I am promised.
" The cardinal did send a very gentle letter to the Lord of Moray
by Clarenock, also credit by mouth, craving pardon for the past, for
that he had borne him evil will ; but now, finding that, though his
religion were contrary to his, yet his honest, honourable doings, and
the care that he was now surely persuaded he hath tofore had of this
queen here, and his sound dealing with her, ever moved him now to
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 375
think himself beholden unto him. Monsieur de Croc seems much to
mislike the earl's departure, and says so to the queen. She answered,
he went away for debt ; but she wept at his departure, wishing he
were not so precise in religion. She wished him to go to Flanders,
and to visit neither England nor France.
" It was Captain Cullen's persuasion, for more surety, to have the
king strangled, and not only to trust to the train of powder, affirming
he had known many so saved. Sir Andro Carr, with others, was on
horseback near unto the place, for aid to the cruel enterprise if need
had been. The Lady Coldingham, now wife to the young Mr of
Caithness, and sister to the Earl Bodwell, is in credit, and in the
place of the Lady Renes, now out of court. Suspicion banished the
one and placed the other. I dare not say, as others that knows more
says.
" Great means was used to have had the Earl of Moray staid in the
town till the cruel deed had been done. The Bishop of Glasco, Am-
bassador for Scotland in France, hath written to the queen, and to
others which the queen hath understanding of, that nothing likes her,
of the death of the king. * * The king was long of dying, and to
his strength made debate for his life. The Lord David, son to the
Duke, is mad, and Arbroath, his brother, hath already had a show
of the same disease. * * There accompanied the Earl of Moray
to the boundary, his brother the Lord of Holyrood-house, the Lord
Hume, and the chief of the gentlemen of the March, and some of
Lothian, as Brymstone and others. The king would often read and
sing the 55th Psalm, and went over it a few hours before his death.
There were not many that he would of his griefs deal with, but to
some he would say he should be slain, and complain him much of his
being hardly dealt with. Even now by the under-marshal I received
this more. His own evil handling. He only kept out of the court
pushed out as it were by force, thrust upon the breast with extremity,
in the sight of divers gentlemen, which seemed much to mislike there-
with.
" A bill set up, ' Farewell gentyll Henry, but a vengeance of Mary.'
The queen sent a token and message to Bodwell being at the assize.*
The queen, upon Thursday last, past through the street unto the
market, where there were women sitting that had to sell. They rysse
as she came near, crying aloud, ' God save your grace, if you be sake-
less of the king's deade [of the king's death.]' The queen's advocates,
that should have inveighed against Bodwell, are much condemned for
* By Drury to Cecil, Border Correspondence, 24th April, 1567.
376 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
their silence. The like at an assize hath not been used. * * Bod-
well rode upon the courser that was the king's, when he rode to the
assize. The nobility long tarried his coming a horseback, to accom-
pany him. There was that followed him above iiii thousand, whereof
the greatest part were gentlemen, besides they that were [in] the
streets, which were more in number. The streets were full from the
Canongate to the castle.
" Ledington and others told the under-marshal that the queen was
asleep, when he himself saw her looking out at a window, showed
him by one of La Croke's servants, a Frenchman, and Ledington's wife
with her ; and Bodwell, after he was a horseback, looked up, and
she gave him a friendly nod for a farewell ; for till it was known the
under-marshal's errand as the contents of the letter, he had liberty
.in court ; but not after, when he was once out, suffered to go in again."
No. VI.
Mary's Marriage with Bothwell, p. 102.
It is remarked in the text, p. 102, that the queen, although making
a show of contentment, was really wretched. The following letter
of De Croc, the French ambassador, was written three days after her
marriage with Bothwell, but recounts an interview which the ambas-
sador had with Mary on her marriage day. It is taken from the
MSS. Collections of Prince Labanoff. The original is in the Biblio-
theque Royale at Paris. Collection de Harlay, No. 218.
Depeehe de Monsieur de Croc a Catherine de Medicis, du!8
Mai, 1567.
Madame, Les lettres que j'escript a V. M. par le dit Evesque (de
Dumblane) sont pour estre leues ; Vous pouvez penser que je ne me
fye a lui quoi que je vous escrive. Vos Majcstes ne sauraient mieux
faire que de luy faire mauvaise chere, et trouvez bien mauvaise le man-
age, car il est tres malheureux, et desja Ton n'est pas a s'en repenter.
leudi, Sa majeste m'envoya querir, on je m'apperceus d'une estrange
fa9on entre elle et son Mary, ce que elle me voullut excuser, disant que
si je la voyois triste, c'estoit pour ce qu'elle ne voulloit se rejouyr comme
elle dit ne le faire jamais,ne desirant que la mort.*
* This conversation, it is to be particularly noted, occurred on the very day
of Mary's marriage to Bothwell the 15th of May.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 377
'Hier estant renfermez tous deux dedans un cabinet avec le Compte
de Bodwell, elle cria tout hault, que on luy baillast ung couteau pour
se tuer. Ceulx qui estoient dedans la chambre, dans la piece qui
precedoit le Cabinet, Pentendirent. Us pensent que si Dieu luy aide
qu'elle se desespera. Je 1'ay conseille et comforte'e de mieux que j'ay
peu ces trois fois que je 1'ay veu.
Son Mary ne la fera pas longue, car il est trop hay en ce royaume
et puis Ton ne cessera jamais que la mort de Roy ne soyt seue. II
n'ya ici pas un seul Seingneur de Norn, que le dit Compte de Bodwell,
et le Compte de Craffort ; les autres sont mandes, et ne veullent point
venir.
Elle a envoys' qu'ils s'assemblent en quelque lieu nomme, et je les
aille trouver pour leur parler au nom du Roy, et voir si je y pourrez
faire quelque chose. Sil advient j'y ferez tout ce qu'il me sera pos-
sible, et apres, le meilleur est de me retirer, et comme je vous ayt
mander, les laisser jouer leur jeu. II n'est point scant que je y sois
au nom du Roy; Car si je favorise la Poyne 1'on pensera en ce Roy-
aume, et en Angleterre, que le Roy tient la main a tout ce qui se fait,
et si ce n'eust este le commandement que V. M. me feyrent, je fust
party huict jours devant les nopces. Si est ce que j'ay parlez bieii
hault, dequoy tout ce royaume est assez abberuvez,* et je ne me suis
point voullu brasser f a ses nopces ; ni depuis ne 1'ay point voullu
recongnoistre comme Mary de la Royne. Je crois qu'il escrira a V.
M. par le dit Evesque de Dumblane ; Vous ne luy debvez point faire
de responce, &c. &c.
No. VII.
Mary's Escape from LoMecen, pp. 174, 175.
The following minute account of the queen's escape from Lochleven,
which is my authority for the new and interesting circumstances given
in the text,, was communicated by John Beaton, brother of the Arch-
bishop of Glasgow, to the King of France, and transmitted by Petrucci,
the envoy or ambassador of the Grand Duke, Cosmo de Medicis, to
his master, in a letter dated at Paris, 21st of May, 1568. It is taken
from the MS. Collections of Prince Labanoff, who found the original
in the secret archives of the House of Medici. Beaton, it will be
observed, was on the spot watching at Kinross for the queen on the
evening she made her escape. He was a principal contriver of the
escape, and an eye-witness and ear-witness of all.
* Instruit. f Participer.
378 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
MODO CHE LA REGINA DI SCOTIA HA USATO PER LIBERARS I
DALLA PRIGIONE.
Advisato detta Regina di Scotia Monsignor di Seton suo confiden-
tissimo Cattolico et molto valoroso cavaliere, per via d'un putto di
casa, il quale non ritorno poi, egli si condusse per il giorno diterminato
con circa 50 cavalli, presso al Lago di Loclevin, dove la Regina era
tenuta prigioniera, restando pero egli con 40 di loro, fra certe mon-
tagne poco loutano per non essere scoperti da quelli del Castello del
lago, e piu presso si fecero gli altri dieci, che smontarono in un Tilaggio
vicino al lago, mostrando esservi per transito, uno de quali ando in
ripa al lago prossimo, et stava col corpo disteso in terra per non esser
veduto, aspettando, che la Regina uscisse, secondo 1'ordine.
Alia porta del Castello, si facevano le guardie continuati, giorno
e notte, eccetto che rnentre ci cenava, nel qual tempo, si chiudeva
la Porta con una chiave, andando ogniuno a cena, e la chiave stava
sempre sulla tavola, dove il Castellano mangiava, e davanti a lui. II
Castellano e fratello uterine del Conte de Murray Regente de Scozia,
fratello naturale della Regina, e suo mortal niinico.
La Regina doppo provato di calarsi da una finestra, e non li era
riuscito, fece tanto che un paggio del Castellano, il quale essa haver
a cio disposto, portando la seconda sera di Maggio un piatto in tavola,
con una servietta innanzi al padrone, le misse sopra la chiave, e quella
tolse e porto via che alcuno non s'en'accorse, andato subito dalla
Regina le disse il tutto, e ella che tra tanto s'era messe le vesti della
maggior di quelle due cameriere, che le havevano lassate, menando
seco per mano la miuore, che puo essere una figlia di 10 anni, n'ando
col paggio chetamente alia porta et aperta se n'usci con lui, e con la
putta, e serrata la per di fuori con la medcsima chiave, senza laquale
non si poteva aprire, ne anco di dentro, entra in un piccol batello, che
quivi si teneva per servizio del Castello, e spiegato un suo velo bianco,
con un fiocco rosso, fe il segno concertato, a chi Pattendeva che ella
veniva, al quale segno quello che era disteso in terra su la ripa del
lago, levato si, e con un altro segno advisati li Cavaliere del Vilaggio
(fra qnali era principale, quello che e venuto qua a dar conto di questo
fatto a questi Maesta, che e fratello del Ambasciatore di Scotia qua,)
e da loro advisati poi quelli della Montagna furono subito al lago, e
la Regina che col paggio remando al meglio che poteva, di la con la
Dio gratia s' era condotta ; racolsero con infinita allegrezza e messa
la a cavallo, col paggio e con la putta, la menarono al Mare 5 miglia
indi discosto, per cio che 1'andare sempre per terra, dove havevano
disegnato earia stato loro di manifesto pericolo.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 379
Imbarcatisi tutti la condussero a Nidri luogo ti Monsignore di Seiton
e di la poi a Amilton, Castello del Duca di Sciatelero, la dove Mon-
signore d' Arcivescovo di Santa Andrea suo fratello, con altri principali
de quelle parte 1'accolsero e rivererono come Regina. Amilton e
luogo forte per battaglia di mano e vicino a Don Bertran porto e
Castello fortissimo 4 leghe, ma la Regina non si retira la' si perche e
ben sicura in Amilton, comandando a tutta quella contrada, Monsignor
S' Andrea sudetto, e non altri, si per poter recover meglio quei che
anderano ad-adjutarla la, che in una fortezza forse non saria cosi, alia
quale pero in ogni caso si puo condurre da una sera, a un altra ac-
cadendo.
Tutto quel regno e in moto, chi per la Regina, chi contro di lei col
Conte di Moray Ella ha mandato questo Gentilhuomo* a domandar
per hora mille archebusieri a queste Maesta, ma che se vorra ricup-
erare, Edinburg, citta principale, e 1'altre fortezze occupate da ribelli,
hara bisogno d'esser adjutata da ogni banda, e ha scritta una lettera
al Cardinale di Loreno che moveria ogni cuore duro a compassione
di lei, et le prime linee sono che ella domanda perdona a Dio et al
Mondo di gli errori passati della sua giovinezza, che ricognosci la sua
liberazione solo da sua divina Maesta, e che le ne rendeva, humilis-
sime gratie, che le habbia dato tanto spirito in queste sue afflitioni,
che non si sia mai punto mossa dal suo fermo proponimento di voler
vivere e morir Cattolica, come intende hora de voler far piu che mai.
Collated and signed by L'Archivista, G. Tanfani.
Dal Archimo Mediceo, le 17 Febbrajo, 1840.
In a letter, preserved amongst the Morton MSS., from Sir William
Kirkaldy to the Laird of Lochleven, dated June 1st, 1568, there is
the following passage.
" Seeing that all thir three taik no effect, this last was tane in hand
and executed, devised by the queen's self, George, and the lad Willie,
and Cursell was on the counsel, who received all writings, messages,
and tokens from Willie sent by George to the queen. I can try no
more of your servants to have been on this counsel. * * As to
them that came in company with the L. Seton, I need not to tell you
their names ; but James Wardlaw was the guide, and laid them
quietly in the hill, where they might see the going in and out of the
boat. When I know farther, ye shall understand it," &c. 1st June,
1568
* Namely, John Beaton.
380 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
No. VIII.
Battle of Langside, p. 181.
The following account of this battle is taken from an original in the
State-paper Office, entitled,
ADVERTISEMENTS OF THE CONFLICT IN Scor'iAND.
[The blanks are left in consequence of the original being in thos
places injured.]
, 1568.
" The queen's number was six thousand.
" The Earl of Argyle her Lieutenant-General.
" The company of the Lords was esteemed to be four thousand.
u The Hamiltons had the vauntgarde of the queen's part, assisted
with others, to the number of two thousand. Both companies did
strive for ahill nigh adjoining where theymet. Their meeting together
was in a strait passage through a village. The Lord Hume, the Lord
Semple, and the Lord Morton, had the vauntgarde on that side. The
fight endured, at the least, three quarters of an hour without giving
back. The queen's party first gave way, and then pursued *
at the beginning of which chase Th' Earl of Moray willed and required
all his to spare for shedding of more blood. Otherwise as many as
were on foot, which were the greatest number, had been in their
enemy's will, for the h . . whereof the Lord Haris was general,
fled and . . . within the horses of them that were lighted of
the company.
" The queen beheld this conflict within half a mile distant, standing
upon a hill, accompanied with Lord Boyd, the Lord Fleming, and the
Lord Harris' son, with thirty others, who, seeing the company over-
thrown, took the way to f [Dumbarton, who was so near pursued that
she could not take the boat that should bring her into Dumbarton,
but was driven to take the way to Dumfries, where she as yet re-
maineth.] The estimation of the number that was slain in the place
where they fought, by the view of them that have skill, is judged to
be six or seven score, besides those have died since being brought into
the town, and other places, which daily die. And taken prisoners of
that side to the number of 300 aad more, whereof the Lord Seton,
the Lord Ross, Sir James Hamilton, the Mr Montgomery, the Mr
* Sic. in Original.
t The passage enclosed with [ ] is scored through in the original.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 381
Cassillis, the Sheriff of Ayr, the Sheriff of Lithgow who bore the
Hamilton's standard in the vantgarde, himself being a Hamilton, the
young Laird of Preston, the Laird of Innerwick, the Laird of Pitmilly,
and the Laird of Baweirg, Andro Melvin, the Laird of Boyne, and
Robert Melvin, Captain Anstruther, the Laird of Trabrowne, two sons
to the Bishop of St Andrew's, if one of them not slain, a son to the
Abbot of Kylwinnon. The rest of the number that is taken of the
three hundred is all of the surname of the Hamiltons and their allya.
Alexr. Stewart a captain of footmen slain.
** John Hamilton of Millbourne, Mr of the household to the Duke,
also slain. John Hamilton of Ormiston slain.
" The prisoners for the most part are all put in the castle of Glas-
gow. Of the Lords' side never a man of name slain. Divers sore
hurt. The Lord Hume hurt in the leg and face, and overthrown,
and relieved by his own men. The Lord Ochiltree sore hurt and in
danger of his life, at the skirmish on horseback in the morning, re-
ceiving his chief wound with a sword in his neck, given by the Lord
Harris, whose son, in the revenge of his father's hurt, had slain the
Lord Seton, had not the Earl of Moray saved him after his being
yielded. Andro Kar of Fawdonside likewise hurt in danger of his
life, with divers others gentlemen sore hurt.
" The Earl of Argyle, even as they were joining, as it is reported,
for fault of courage and spirit, swooned. There were divers of the
queen's part taken and not brought in, for there was the father against
the son, and brother against brother, as namely, three of the Melvyna
of the Lords' side, and two of the queen's, which was Robert and
Andro. After the fight had long continued, a gentleman of the high-
land, called Macfarlane, who not xx days before for his misbehaviour
was condemned to die, and yet at the suit of the Countess of Moray,
had his pardon, and now accompanied with two hundred of his coun-
trymen was a wing to the vauntgarde of th' east side, and came in
and executed great slaughter by whom the victory was not thought
least to be atchieved.
" The Earl of Huntley was coming to the queen with
with great speed, untill
got the warst, and then . . of field pieces of brass there
was x, which the Lords also wan. And the Mr Gunner, with a great
piece from the Lords' side.
" The day following, being the 14th, the earl sent to summon the
castle of Hamilton. The answer respaited till the next morning, and
he that had the charge thereof came to Glasgow and offered the keys
to the Earl of Moray upon his knees, and said, that if it pleased to
send any thither to receive it, he should ; and he answered that he
S82 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
would go himself, and so did, and took it that day himself about 12
hours ; and within few hours afterwards went to Draffen, but how he
hath therein prevailed, I yet know not, but shall at the return of those
two that I have yet remaining there.
"The Earl of Athole, notwithstanding his promise made to the
lords, neither he nor any of his came. The Laird of Grange had the
charge of the horsemen of the Lords' side, who that day played his
part. The French ambassador was either at Hamilton or in the field
the day of their meeting. The Earl of Eglinton, being of the queen's
side, bestowed himself in a house, and there covered with straw till
the night, and then escaped.
" The noblemen that were with the queen : the Earl of Argyle, th'
Earl of Eglinton, the Earl of Cassillis' brother, with his friends. The
Earl of Rothes, the Lord Boyd, the Lord Fleming, the L. Levyston,
the Lord Seton, the Lord Ross, the Lord Yester, the Lord Borthwick,
the Lord Claud, son to the Duke, Sir James Hamilton, .
the Sheriff of Lithgow, the L. and of Garleys, the
L. Weemys of Fife, with all the whole force of Galloway and Liddes-
dale.
" That day the Earl of Moray went to receive the castle of Hamil-
ton, certain of his horsemen ran a foray, and got many naggs, where-
upon the poor people made a great lamentation, and immediately
thereupon he caused proclamation to be made that their goods should
be delivered again and no spoil to be made."
No. IX.
An Order for Mary's Execution In 1569, p. 240.
The following is the letter of Leicester referred to in the text. It
was politely communicated to me by John Bruce Esq., a well-known
and able antiquary, and Secretary to the Camden Society. He con-
jectures that it was written to Secretary Walsingham, but the address
does not appear on the letter. It is preserved in a MS. volume belong-
ing to Frederick Ouvry, Esq., by whose permission it is now printed.
The volume was written, as Mr Bruce conjectures, about the beginning
of the seventeenth century, and contains transcripts of many letters
written by Leicester, from the Low Countries. I have in vain searched
for the original of this letter in the State-paper Office. The fact
which it mentions, that a great seal was sent for Mary's executioa
of a sudden, at the time of Northumberland and Westmoreland's
rebellion, is, as far as I know, new.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 383
LEICESTER TO .
* KM October, 1585.
" I have written very earnestly, both to her majesty and my Lord
Treasurer, and partly also to yourself and Mr Vice Chamberlain, for
the furtherance of justice in [on] the Queen of Scots ; and believe me
if you shall defer it, either for a parliament or a great session, you
will hazard her majesty more than ever ; for time to be given is that
the traitors and enemies to her will desire.
" Remember, how upon a less cause, how effectually all the council
of England once dealt with her majesty for justice to be done upon
that person, for being suspected and infamed to be consenting with
Northumberland and Westmoreland in the rebellion. You know the
Great Seal of England was sent then, and- thought just and meet, upon
the sudden for her execution. Shall now her consent and practice for
the destruction of her majesty's person be used with more [regard]
to her danger than the less found fault ? Surely I tremble at it ; for
I do assure myself of a new more desperate attempt if you shall fall
to such temporising solemnities ; and her majesty cannot but mislike
you all for it ; for who can warrant these villains from her if that
person live, or shall live any time ? God forbid ;. and be you all stout
and resolute in this speedy execution, or be condemned of all the
world for ever. It is most certain, if you will have her majesty safe,
it must be done ; for justice doth crave it, besides policy. It is the
cause I send this poor lame man, who will needs be the messenger for
this matter ; he hath bidden such pain and travel here, as you will
not believe. A faithful creature he is to her majesty as ever lived.
I pray you let her not* retain him still now, even to save his life, for
you know the time of the year is past for such a man to be in the field ;
yet will he needs be so, and means to return, and you must procure
his stay as without my knowledge, or else I lose him for ever ; but
if he come hither, it is not like if he can continue ; he deserves as
much as any good heart can do be his good friend 1 pray you, and so
God bless you Hast written in my bed upon a cushion, this 10th,
early in the morning.
" Your assured.
" I pray you let not Candish know I wrote for his stay, but yet
procure it in any wise."
* Sic. in original, but it seems incorrect. It should be, I think, " let her
retain him still now."
384 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
No.X.
Elizabeth's Plot for the Secret Execution of Mary in Scotland, p. 312.
The following are the Letters which contain the secret history of
Killigrew's missioy.
HENRY KILLIGREW TO LORDS BURGHLEY AND LEICESTER.
"Leith, Uth September, 1572.
" May it please your good lordships, I arrived at Berwick the llth
of this present ; and after I had some conference with Mr Marshal
touching my charge, I came to Tantallon, where the Earl Morton had
lain sick ten days before. He caused me to stay there all night, by
reason whereof many speeches passed, which now for haste I cannot
enlarge ; but, in sum, it may please your honour to know, that he
assured me, that for his part he was the same man he always professed
himself to be,both for the king his master's service, and the doing of all
good offices to continue the amity with the queen's majesty, my sove-
reign ; that he knew of no pensions offered by Monsieur de Croc, nor any
practices for conveying the king, etc. La Croc, he seemed not to like,
because hitherto he did not acknowledge the king's authority ; but a
driver of time in this treaty, which I think will hardly be brought to
a good peace without further trouble, for the great jealousy the one
party hath that the other meaneth but drift of time. He * is the
king's lieutenant-general on this side Stirling.
* The news of France doth make them and others startle, and here
methinks doth greatly alienate their minds from that king. Where
their day of meeting was appointed to be the 10th day of this month,
certain of both sides convened together and put it off till the 20th of
this month, at which time the regent, and the Earl of Morton, with
the king's friends, do meet here in Leith. In this meanwhile, passing
towards my Lord Regent to Stirling, I thought good, having met Mr
James Melvin by chance in this town, to let them of the castle know
of my coming, and of the cause, and of the charge I have to deliver
them as soon as I shall have been with the regent. It seemeth I am
not misliked of the other party, and therefore I hope some good will
grow, even in the matter I am chiefly sent for, whereof, as soon a? I
may be able with reason I shall advertise your honours ; and in this
meantime, most humbly beseech you to pardon this rude scribbling.
" John Knox is again in Edinburgh ; the town guarded ; and this
* i. e. Morton.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 385
also, which is somewhat fortified and in defence, with the king's
soldiers. From Leith, this 14th of September, in the morning.*
" Your honours' most bounden,
H. KILLIGREW."
KlLLIGREW TO LORDS BuRGHLEY AND LEICESTER.
"19th October, 1572, Stirling.
u May it please your good lordships to be advertised. I came hither
the 16th of this present, at night, and the next day I was bidden to
dinner with the regent, and saw the king, who seemed to me a very
toward prince of his age, both in wit and person.
" I pressed my Lord Regent's grace to command some good and
reasonable answers to be made unto the form of surety demanded by
the Castilians to the end that this abstinence be not neglected as the
other was, without doing anything for the peace until it was too late ;
and in this motion I used some speeches to sound his inward liking
and devotion to the peace indeed, which I found him to my judgment
most desirous thereof ; and weary, as it were, in respect of the burden,
charge, and trouble sustained by the regiment, because he findeth not
the assistance he looked for, neither at home, nor yet from abroad.
" Touching my motion, his grace said, that he had given order to
the Abbot of Dunfermline to deliver me, at my return to Edinburgh,
such answer as his grace and the council had caused to be framed to
the Castilian's demands, the which, he hoped, I should find to be
reasonable ; and in case there were anything to their misliking, his
grace and the council were contented to be ruled therein by the advice
of her majesty, wherein they nothing doubted the care her majesty
had, both of the preservation of their young king and his estate. And
by occasion of this speech his grace said moreover to me, how he had
sent his resolute mind unto my Lord of Morton by the said abbot
touching the great matter; wherein I found him now very earnest,
insomuch that he desired me to write speedily unto both your honours
to further the same by all the good means you might, as the best, and as
it were, the only salve for the cure of the great sores of this common-
wealth. I am also put in good hope of the said abbot that I shall
receive a good answer of my Lord of Morton's touching the circum-
stances, et cetera, which I omit to write till the despatch of my
courier, by whom I shall be able to satisfy your honours more at
length, having only written thus much, as it were, by the way.
" I perceive the regent's first coldness grew rather for want of skill
* State-paper Office.
VOL. VII.
386 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
how to compass so great a matter, than for lack of good-will to exe-
cute the same. He desired me also to write unto your honours to be
suitors unto her majesty for some relief of money towards the pay-
ment of his soldiers, without the which he shall not be able to do his
master that service he desireth." * * *
The rest of the letter is unimportant.*
KlLLIGREW TO LORDS BuRGHLET AND LEICESTER, + p. 313.
November 23, 1572.
** My bounden duty most humbly remembered.
" Your honours' letters by Captain Arrington, who brought her
majesty's pacquet, I received the 22d of this present, in the which
your honours do earnestly charge me with two great, yea, very great
faults one that I should have passed my commission in the handling
of the great cause, the other, for that I showed myself willing to re-
ceive so absurd and unreasonable requests as I sent your honours.
" To the first I answer, with all humbleness, under the correction
of your good lordships, that whatsoever cause my confounded manner
of writing gave your honours so to think, yet if it shall be proved
ever hereafter that I used her majesty's name therein, or passed the
bounds of my commission, I will never desire more favour of your
honours, but rather that ye would do justice upon me to the example
of others.
" I forget not, my lords, the great charge her majesty gave me at
my coming hither, saying, that no more was privy to this matter but
your honours and I, and that if it came forth, the blame should fall
thereafter. I could but promise her majesty it should be to me as
my life, which I trust I have kept, insomuch that when I was adver-
tised that my Lord Keeper, after his coming to the court, was also
made acquainted with the matter, I durst never direct my letters to
him, with your lordships, but thought best to leave the same to your
wisdoms. And this is absolute to the first point, whatsoever my
Cornish English hath occasioned your honours to gather to the con-
trary, that I never used her majesty's name, nor that I would make
any motion for them here, but to your honours alone.
u Now, touching the receiving of the Articles, and transcription of
them, I did it not without protestation to the Abbot of Dunfermline,
how I utterly misliked them, assuring him farther, that I took them
not to any other end, but to know of my Lord of Morton, whether
they were according to his meaning. Whereupon I remember the
* State-paper Office. + Original, State-paper Office.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 387
abbot replied, alleging certain causes why he thought her majesty
would never agree to any such thing, therefore that this was a mean
to feel your lordships' judgments, which saying of his I did insert as
near as I could remember them in the letter and after the 'Articles.'
" I humbly beseech your honours to consider that this was done at
such time as the late regent lay a-dying, which matter and the sequel
thereof did so occupy my head and hand, that I was fain to send those
Articles with a confused letter, as it were rather to let your honours
see the manner of their dealing (whereof I had given warning before
in my other letters,) than that I did allow or like of them, and there-
fore I advertised your honours how I had told my Lord of Morton
plainly, that I had not sent them, but only received them of the abbot
(who was gone over the water,) to know whether they were as his
Lordship meant them who, taking the copy which I had in my hand
to show him, after he had read them, said, that the abbot had missed
in something, and desired me not to send the Articles. I answered,
he need not desire me, for though he would give me never so much,
I would not do it, and in the end made him see that it was rather a
mockery than otherwise.
* This your honours may trust to is true, although the time were
such then as I could not write all circumstances; and since that time,
although I heard some time a glance of the matter, I would never
give great ear to it. * * * And truly, my Lords, I was stricken
with such sorrow upon the reading of your letters, I was not able
since to brook anything I took for sustenance. * * *
u By your honours' bounden,
"H. KYLLYGREW."*
No. XI.
Death of Mar, p. 323.
On the day the Regent Mar died at Stirling, namely October 28,
1572, Killigrew the ambassador wrote this letter to the Lords Burgh-
ley and Leicester :
"May it please your good Lordship, I wrote yesterday to Mr
Secretary of the great danger my Lord Regent was in of his life, but
since, he having been let blood, is somewhat amended. My Lord of
Morton told me the same day that he had received a letter from Alexander
Areskine, the regent's brother, that there was no hope of life in him,
and willed him to provide accordingly, which he did, as your honours
shall understand by Captain Arrington, who shall depart hence to-
* State-paper Office.
388 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
morrow at the farthest, both with their opinions here for the peace,
as also for the matter ye wot of, which in mine opinion will nothing
satisfy your expectation, unless it may be squared and framed to a
better and more reasonable proportion, as I think it will upon your
answers. I look this night for a man I sent to Stirling, and there-
fore shall peradventure stay a little the longer, that I may send you
perfect word of the regent's estate. And thus referring all things
to Capt. Arrington's letters, I most humbly take my leave of your
honours.* * * *
H. KYLLYGBEW."
No. XII.
Death of Grange, p. 349.
REGENT MORTON 10 KILLIGREW.
"Holyrood-house, Aug. 5, 1573.
" After my most hearty commendations, I received your letter from
Captain Cockburn as I returned from Stirling towards this town upn
the 29th of July, wherein I find a loving continuance of your care and
gude will towards the amity of thir-f- countries, and friendship to
myself. Of the quhilkj I heartily thank you.
" Upon Monday the 3d of August, Grange, his brother Mr James,
with Mossman and Cockky, the goldsmiths that made the conterfeit
money in the castle, were executed, according to the judgment of the
law pronounced against them. And further execution is no yet made.
What offers were made on Grange's behalf for safety of his life, I
send you herewith the copy, which, as you may consider are large, as
meikle as possibly might have been offered. Yet, considering what
has been and daily is spoken by the preachers, that God's plague will
not cease quhill || the land be purged of blood, and having regard that
such as are interested by the death of their friends, the destruction
of their houses, and away taking of their goods, could not be satisfied
by any offer made to me in particular, quhilk I accepting, should
have been cassinlJ in double inconvenience, I deliberated to let justice
proceed as it has done. * * *
" I have written to my Lady Lennox, to crave of the Marshal of
Berwick, the king my sovereign's jewels that are in his hands, which
he is obliged in honour, and by indenture and promise made at the
* State-paper Office, Killigrew to Burghley and Leicester, 28th October,
1572.
+ These. J The which. As much.
|| Until. U Thrown.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 389
incoming of the queen's majesty's forces, to deliver in my hands to
the king's use. It may be that he will use them liberally now at
court, and make friends by them. Therefore, I pray you give advice
to my Lady Lennox in what order it is best that she handle this
matter.* * "*
* State-paper Office.
OF VOLUME SEVENTH,
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